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Date: April 30, 2024 Tue
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Results for minority groups
96 results foundAuthor: Smith, Cindy J. Title: Profiles, Predictors, and Minority Overrepresentation in Jurisdictional Decisions for Maryland Youths: A Final Report Summary: This report discusses the implementation and effect of waiver laws on juveniles in Maryland. Details: Baltimore, MD: Schaefer Center for Public Policy, 2003 Source: National Institute of Justice Year: 2003 Country: United States URL: Shelf Number: 116549 Keywords: Juvenile CourtMinority Groups |
Author: Adamson, Sue Title: Hidden from Public View? Racism Against the UK Chinese Population Summary: This report offers insight into the situation of Chinese victims of racism in three different towns and areas of the United Kingdom: London, Manchester, and Southampton. The report reveals that the Chinese community suffers from levels of racism, harassement and racial violence that are perhaps higher than any other minority group due to under-reporting. Details: London: The Monitoring Group, 2009 Source: University of Hull Year: 2009 Country: United Kingdom URL: Shelf Number: 116292 Keywords: Bias CrimeHate CrimeMinority GroupsRace |
Author: Iowa. Governor's Youth Race & Detention Task Force Title: Full Report: Governor's Youth Race & Detention Task Force, Response to Executive Order 5 Summary: From the report: "In May 2007, the first meeting of the Governor's Youth Race and Detention Task Force (YRDTF) was held. Created by Governor Chester J. Culver, the group's goal has been to assist in reducing the overrepresentation of minority youth in juvenile detention. The Task Force's membership includes a broad representation from state government, law enforcement, prosecution, defense, Human Services, Corrections, the American Civil Liberties Union of Iowa, Education and community members. This Full Report is the culmination of the Task Force's responsibilities." Details: Iowa: Criminal & Juvenile Justice Planning (CJJP), 2009 Source: Year: 2009 Country: United States URL: Shelf Number: 116682 Keywords: Juvenile DetentionJuvenile JusticeMinority Groups |
Author: Morrison, Bronwyn Title: Identifying and Responding to Bias in the Criminal Justice System: A Review of International and New Zealand Research Summary: This review summarizes international and New Zealand research findings on bias against ethnic minority and indigenous people at key stages of the criminal justice system. The discretion points examined include: stop and search, arrest, charging, prosecution, conviction, sentencing, custodial sentence management decisions with the prison system, and parole. The review is based on research published during the last 40 years, and concentrates exclusively on literature from Australia, Canada, England and Wales, the United States, and New Zealand. It focuses predominantly on the adult criminal justice system and examines decisions affecting offenders rather than victims. Details: Wellington: New Zealand Ministry of Justice, 2009. 183p. Source: Year: 2009 Country: New Zealand URL: Shelf Number: 117795 Keywords: BiasIndigenous PeoplesMinority Groups |
Author: Georgetown University. Center for Juvenile Justice Reform Title: Racial and Ethnic Disparity and Disproportionality in Child Welfare and Juvenile Justice: A Compendium Summary: This report presents the content of a symposium entitled "The Overrepresentation of Children of Color in America's Juvenile Justice and Child Welfare Systems." The symposium included four panel discussions in which researchers, practitioners, policymakers, and advocates explored the barriers they encountered and successes they enjoyed in efforts to reduce disproportionate minority contact. Panelists included experts from jurisdictions that have begun to employ a multi-systems approach to reducing disproportionality and policy experts who explored ways to foster progress through legislation and other nationally supported activities. Details: Washington, DC: Georgetown University, Georgetown Public Policy Institute, Center for Juvenile Justice Reform, 2009. 79p. Source: Internet Resource Year: 2009 Country: United States URL: Shelf Number: 114350 Keywords: Child WelfareDiscrimination in Juvenile JusticeJuvenile Justice, Administration of (U.S.)Minority Groups |
Author: Matas, David Title: Bloody Harvest: Revised Report into Allegations of Organ Harvesting of Falun Gong Practitioners in China Summary: It is alleged that Falun Gong practitioners are victims of live organ harvesting throughout China. This report presents the findings of an investigation into these allegations. Details: Unpublished: 2007. 237p. Source: Internet Resource Year: 2007 Country: China URL: Shelf Number: 118747 Keywords: Bias-Motivated CrimesHate Crimes (Burma)Human RightsMinority GroupsMuslimsTrafficking in Human OrgansViolent Crimes |
Author: Great Britain. HM Chief Inspector of Prisons Title: Muslim Prisoners' Experiences: A Thematic Review Summary: There are around 10,300 Muslims in prisons in England and Wales, a number that has been growing steadily over recent years. There has been considerable public focus on them as potential extremists and on prisons as the place where they may become racialized, often through conversion - even though fewer than 1% are in prison because of terrorist-related offenses. This report looks at the actual experience and perceptions of Muslim prisoners - using prisoner surveys and inspection reports over a three-year period, and supplementing this with in-depth interviews with a representative sample of 164 Muslim men in eight prisons and interviews with the Muslim chaplains there. The headline finding, from surveys and interviews, is that Muslim prisoners report more negatively on their prison experience, and particularly their safety and their relationship with staff, than other prisoners - this is even more pronounced than the discrepancy between the reported experiences of black and minority ethnic prisoners compared to white prisoners. Details: London: HM Inspector of Prisons, 2010. 116p. Source: Internet Resource Year: 2010 Country: United States URL: Shelf Number: 119133 Keywords: Inmates (U.K.)Minority GroupsMuslims (U.K.)Prisoners (U.K.)Terrorists |
Author: May, Tiggey Title: Exploring the Needs of young Black and Minority Ethnic Offenders and the Provision of Targeted Interventions Summary: This study explores the needs of young Black and Minority Ethnic (BME) offenders and the provision of targeted interventions by youth offending teams (YOTs) in the U.K. The focus of the study was to identify whether there are differences in needs between ethnic groups and to assess the preparedness of YOTs and establishments within the secure estate to respond to them. Details: London: Youth Justice Board for England and Wales, 2009. 119p. Source: Internet Resource Year: 2009 Country: United Kingdom URL: Shelf Number: 119266 Keywords: Juvenile DetentionJuvenile Justice System (U.K.)Juvenile OffendersMinority Groups |
Author: Byrnes, Edward Cahoon Title: Bootstrapping: Is It More Likely to Occur with Youth Who Are of Color and/or from Low-Income Families? Summary: Findings from the “Minority Overrepresentation in the Utah Juvenile Justice System” study included that youth and staff involved in the system perceive that bootstrapping (the practice of adding charges in a single criminal episode) by law enforcement is more likely to occur with youth who are of color and who are from low income families. This study aimed to use arrest records (to determine the number of charges per episode), JIS data (to determine race, ethnicity and disposition of all charges) and social files (to explore data related to youth’s socioeconomic status) to explore whether study participants’ perceptions were accurate. Details: Salt Lake City, UT: Utah Criminal Justice Center, University of Utah, 2001. 18p. Source: Internet Resource Year: 2001 Country: United States URL: Shelf Number: 119409 Keywords: BootstrappingJuvenile Offenders (Utah)Minority GroupsSocioeconomic Status |
Author: Noreus, Becky Title: Disproportionate Minority Contact in Maine: DMC Assessment and Identification Summary: Disproportionate Minority Contact (DMC) refers to the overrepresentation of minority youth in the juvenile justice system in certain areas of the United States. Because research at the national level has demonstrated that minority youth are often overrepresented at key decision points, such as arrest and confinement in juvenile detention centers, in a state’s juvenile justice system, the Office of Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention (OJJDP) requires all states to assess whether DMC exists in their jurisdiction. TThis report provides a baseline of rates of disproportionate minority contact (DMC) in Maine’s juvenile justice system. It also provides information for practitioners and policymakers looking to inform their understanding and awareness of the treatment of minority youth within Maine’s juvenile justice system. Details: Portland, ME: University of Southern Maine, Muskie School of Public Service, 2009. 57p. Source: Internet Resource Year: 2009 Country: United States URL: Shelf Number: 119461 Keywords: DiscriminationJuvenile Detention (Maine)Juvenile Offenders (Maine)Minority Groups |
Author: Richardson, Brad Title: Juvenile Detention and Alternatives: Perspectives from Three Cunties, Report to the Governor's Youth Race and Detention Task Force Summary: In collaboration with the Annie E. Casey Foundation (AECF), and as part of the state effort to become one of AECF’s Juvenile Detention Alternatives Initiative (JDAI) sites, the DMC Resource Center was asked to conduct a qualitative study of the use of detention and the use of alternatives to detention in the Iowa counties of Black Hawk, Polk and Woodbury. The three sites participating represent targeted sites that have been actively engaged with the DMC Resource Center around reducing disproportionality and have minority populations which are significantly greater than the state average. Polk County has the largest population in the state and the largest minority population in the state. Woodbury County is the most diverse county in the state with a minority population making up 25 percent of its youth population. Black Hawk County, with an African American youth population of 14 percent, has the highest percentage of African American youth in the state. The original purpose of this work was to collect information about how detention and alternatives are used in those three counties and demonstrate engagement of top systems officials in these discussions to gather information and demonstrate interest and commitment to reducing disproportionality. The focus is described by the following three items: 1) describe what alternatives to detention exist in the three counties; 2) describe what the characteristics of youth held in detention are compared to those who are in alternatives, and 3) demonstrate engagement and commitment of top officials who administer youth-serving systems (e.g., juvenile justice, child welfare, law enforcement, public schools, county attorney, public defender, judicial system) for detention reform in the three counties and gather information from their perspectives on detention and the use of alternatives. Details: Iowa City, IA: University of Iowa School of Social work, National Resource Center for Family Centered Practice, DMC Research Center, 2008. 51p. Source: Internet Resource Year: 2008 Country: United States URL: Shelf Number: 119464 Keywords: Alternatives to Incarceration, Juvenile OffendersJuvenile Detention (Iowa)Minority Groups |
Author: Great Britain. Parliament. House of Commons. Home Affairs Select Committee Title: Home Affairs Select Committee Inquiry: Young Black People and the Criminal Justice System: Second Annual Report Summary: "This is the second annual report to the House of Commons Home Affairs Select Committee (the Committee) setting out progress we are making on the range of commitments made in the Government’s response to the report and recommendations of the Committee’s Inquiry on Young Black People and the Criminal Justice System (CJS). This year’s report retains the original chapter headings used by the Committee and continues to outline progress against each recommendation from the Committee’s report (set out with its paragraph reference for ease of reference). In addition, each chapter is now accompanied by an overview of the work being delivered to improve outcomes for young black people, and a summary of future activity, in each of the areas highlighted by the Committee. This allows us to show how the Committee’s recommendations are being embedded into Government policy. Overall, this report demonstrates good progress. Action is in hand to address, and in some cases go beyond, the Committee’s recommendations. However, we are not complacent. The Government fully recognises the scale of the challenge before us and accept that there is more to do. We are confident that we have the right strategies in place to reduce race disproportionality across the CJS. The forthcoming race strategy, to be published shortly by Communities and Local Government, will also ensure that promoting race equality is central to all policy making, in all government departments, and that all public services play their part in tackling inequalities." Details: London: HM Government, 2009. 98p. Source: Internet Resource; Accessed August 14, 2010 at:http://www.justice.gov.uk/publications/docs/young-black-people-cjs-dec09.pdf Year: 2009 Country: United Kingdom URL: http://www.justice.gov.uk/publications/docs/young-black-people-cjs-dec09.pdf Shelf Number: 117586 Keywords: Juvenile Justice (U.K.)Juvenile OffendersMinority GroupsRace/Ethnicity |
Author: Orchowsky, Stan Title: A Review of the Status of Disproportionate Minority Contact (DMC) Efforts in Iowa and Virginia Summary: In 2007, the Justice Research and Statistics Association (JRSA) began a project funded by the Office of Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention (OJJDP) to examine the strategies that have been implemented in Iowa and Virginia to reduce disproportionate minority contact (DMC) in the states’ juvenile justice systems. We were especially interested in using these states as case studies of how states and localities are utilizing empirical information to: (1) identify the extent and nature of the DMC problem; and (2) assess the effectiveness of their efforts to reduce DMC. In each state, we sought to examine both state-level efforts, as well as ongoing efforts in two targeted localities (Johnson and Linn counties in Iowa, and the cities of Newport News and Norfolk in Virginia), to address DMC. To accomplish the goal of the project, staff examined all available documents relating to DMC in both states, with a particular focus on those produced in the last five years. We also conducted interviews with state and local stakeholders in both states and attended meetings of local planning groups addressing DMC issues. We sought data from both states and were able to obtain data from Iowa, which were used to illustrate how local DMC initiatives could be assessed. In October of 2008, JRSA released an interim report on our findings to date (Poulin, Iwama & Orchowsky, 2008). The current report summarizes the overall findings, conclusions and recommendations of our effort. It builds on the findings presented in the interim report and further work that has been done since that report was released. Details: Washington, DC: Justice Research and Statistics Association, 2010. 83p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed August 24, 2010 at: http://jrsa.org/pubs/reports/dmc-final-report.pdf Year: 2010 Country: United States URL: http://jrsa.org/pubs/reports/dmc-final-report.pdf Shelf Number: 119683 Keywords: Alternatives to IncarcerationCosts of Criminal JusticeDiscrimination in Juvenile Justice AdministrationJuvenile DetentionJuvenile Justice ReformJuvenile Justice SystemsJuvenile OffendersJuvenile Offenders (Tasmania, Australia)Minority GroupsRace and Crime |
Author: Murphy, Kristina Title: Policing Ethnic Minority Groups with Procedural Justice: An Empirical Study Summary: Public cooperation with police is essential for the effective management of crime and disorder in our society. Understanding factors that shape public cooperation with the police is therefore important. However, Australian and international studies show that police find it difficult to elicit cooperation from ethnic communities, this made difficult by the fact that ethnic groups display low levels of trust and confidence in the police. This study examines the role that procedural justice might play in fostering minority group perceptions of police legitimacy and their willingness to cooperate with police officers. The study uses survey data collected from Australian citizens and tests whether procedurally fair policing can enhance public cooperation among ethnic minority group members. Results indicate that cooperation appears to be mediated by people's perceptions of police legitimacy. The findings have implications for theories of cooperation, as well as for determining how the police can foster better relationships with ethnically diverse communities. Details: Geelong, VIC, Australia: Alfred Deakin Research Institute, Deakin University, 2010. 21p. Source: Internet Resource: Alfred Deakin Research Institute, Working Paper No. 02: Accessed September 10, 2010 at: http://www.deakin.edu.au/alfred-deakin-research-institute/publications/workingpapers/adri-working-paper-02.pdf Year: 2010 Country: Australia URL: http://www.deakin.edu.au/alfred-deakin-research-institute/publications/workingpapers/adri-working-paper-02.pdf Shelf Number: 119780 Keywords: Minority GroupsPolice-Community RelationsPolicingPublic Opinion |
Author: Centre for the Human Rights of Imprisoned People Title: Culturally and Linguistically Diverse Women in Victorian Prisons Summary: The number of women imprisoned in Victoria has increased by 25% over the past year, with a disproportionate number of the women imprisoned coming from Calturally and Linguistically Diverse (CALD) backgrounds. The number of women born in Vietnam who are imprisoned in Victoria has almost doubled during the period of June 2008 to June 2009. There are currently more than 300 women imprisoned in Victoria, which is the highest number of women imprisoned in the state at any one time since prior to Federation. This dramatic increase is therefore unprecedented and extremely alarming, particularly as it affects women of CALD backgrounds. This project examines the situation of CALD women who are imprisoned in Victoria. To do this, the project follows up the serious issues of discrimination raised in the Request for a Systemic Review of Discrimination against Women in Victorian Prisons, made in 2005 by the Federation of Community Legal Centres FCLC and Victorian Council of Social Services VCOSS to the Equal Opportunity Commission Victoria (EOCV). The 2005 Request for Systemic Review raised significant allegations of discrimination affecting the women held in custody in Victoria. Although this discrimination was attributed firstly to the gender of prisoners, the Request also identified specific areas of discrimination on the basis of race and cognitive ability by the State Government of Victoria in its management of the Victorian women’s prisons at Tarrengower and the Dame Phyllis Frost Centre at Deer Park. In relation to women from CALD backgrounds, the 2005 Request for Systemic Review contained significant anecdotal evidence highlighting incidents and practices of direct and indirect discrimination on the basis of race and religion that impacted on the day-to-day life of imprisoned CALD women. The report remains significant as the only detailed investigation and documentation of the treatment of CALD women in the Victorian prison system. Details: Flemington, VIC, AUS: Centre for the Human Rights of Imprisoned People, 2010. 51p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed October 26, 2010 at: http://www.apo.org.au/research/culturally-and-linguistically-diverse-women-victorian-prisons Year: 2010 Country: Australia URL: http://www.apo.org.au/research/culturally-and-linguistically-diverse-women-victorian-prisons Shelf Number: 120089 Keywords: DiscriminationFemale InmatesFemale OffendersMinority GroupsPrisoners |
Author: Gibson, Chris L. Title: Crime and Victimization Among Hispanic Adolescents: A Multilevel Longitudinal Study of Acculturation and Segmented Assimilation Summary: The Hispanic population in the United States has increased considerably over the past two decades, accounting for 40% of the nation’s population growth in the 1990s and 49% of the growth between 2000 and 2004 (U.S. Census, 2005). Unlike previous demographic shifts, this increase has been largely fueled by birthrate which has significant impact on the social context in which new generations of Hispanic Americans are socialized. One area in particular is that of crime and victimization among these “new” Hispanic populations and key to understanding these experiences may be rooted in the acculturation process. This study represents a comprehensive effort to illustrate the divergent experiences of first-, second-, and third-generation Hispanic child and adolescent immigrants with respect to their self-reported violent victimization and involvement in criminal offending. Details: Unpublished Report Submitted to the U.S. National Institute of Justice Source: Internet Resource: Accessed December 1, 2010 at: http://www.ncjrs.gov/pdffiles1/nij/grants/232278.pdf Year: 0 Country: United States URL: http://www.ncjrs.gov/pdffiles1/nij/grants/232278.pdf Shelf Number: 120321 Keywords: Hispanic AmericansJuvenile OffendersLongitudinal StudiesMinority GroupsVictimizationVictims of Crime, Juveniles |
Author: Richetelli, Dorinda M. Title: A Second Reassessment of Disproportionate Minority Contact in Connecticut’s Juvenile Justice System Summary: A major issue facing juvenile justice practitioners and policymakers across the country is disproportionality and disparate treatment of racial and ethnic minority youth in the juvenile justice system. Various studies conducted across the nation on disproportionate minority contact in the juvenile justice system have found that: Racial and ethnic minorities are often greatly overrepresented in the juvenile justice system. The observed disproportionality cannot be explained by differences in delinquent behavior across racial and ethnic groups. Disparities were found in system processing of minority youth, even when controlling for social and legal background variables. The role of race/ethnicity in the processing of minority vs. White youth often varies by the offense type, the decision point within the system, and location. This is the third study in the State of Connecticut that examines disproportionate minority contact in the state’s juvenile justice system. The major goals for this study were to determine: What differences, if any, exist in decisions made for Black, Hispanic and White juveniles who are processed for similar types of offenses (e.g., Serious Juvenile Offenses, non-SJO felonies, misdemeanors, and violations) as they move through the juvenile justice system. If observed differences remain when controlling for offender and offense characteristics or are neutralized by predictor variables. If the system has improved in those areas found to be problematic in the two prior studies. The study assesses decisions made by the three components of the juvenile justice system: the police, Juvenile Court, and the Department of Children and Families. Details: Hartford, CT: Office of Policy and Management, Criminal Justice Policy and Planning Division, 2009. 75p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed April 13, 2011 at: http://www.ct.gov/opm/lib/opm/cjppd/cjjjyd/jjydpublications/final_report_dmc_study_may_2009.pdf Year: 2009 Country: United States URL: http://www.ct.gov/opm/lib/opm/cjppd/cjjjyd/jjydpublications/final_report_dmc_study_may_2009.pdf Shelf Number: 121328 Keywords: Discrimination in Juvenile Justice AdministrationJuvenile Justice SystemsJuvenile Offenders (Connecticut)Minority GroupsRacial Disparities |
Author: Innes, Martin Title: Assessing the Effects of Prevent Policing: A Report to the Association of Chief Police Officers Summary: “This report provides an assessment of the effects of Prevent policing. Informed by analyses of the British Crime Survey and ninety five in-depth interviews with Muslim community members (n=53) and police involved in delivering Prevent (n=42), it seeks to develop an evidence-led account of what Prevent policing has and has not achieved since its inception in 2003. The interview data clearly capture that community participation in co-‐productive working to solve problems is involving both organizations that are formally funded by Prevent, but also more ‘organic’ forms of activism. However, reflecting a key finding of the earlier report, it remains the case that Muslim communities continue to express a preference for using their own informal social control resources to solve a problem when this is (or at least is believed to be) feasible. The evidence suggests that many Muslims hold quite complex and sophisticated views about the Prevent programme. Frequently, across the course of a single interview, community representatives talked both positively and negatively about their encounters with Prevent. Many of the reservations expressed about Prevent policing centred upon the means sometimes implemented. In particular, objections were registered about how Prevent funding had gone to groups who were not delivering much practical benefit. These concerns were reinforced by the wide-‐ranging disposition of the Prevent programme and the tendency for it to define Muslims’ relations with key state agencies, such as the police. Overall, the attitudes and perceptions of people belonging to Muslim communities can be divided into three main positions: Some are fundamentally ‘anti--Prevent’ and anti-police. This stance views the entire Prevent agenda as flawed and misconceived. Whilst this ‘strong critique’ of Prevent policing has achieved some political traction, the evidence collated suggests that it is not a mainstream or majority view within Muslim communities. At the other end of the continuum are people who are ‘advocates’ of Prevent. They accept the premises of Prevent and are often actively engaged in helping to deliver it, either within or outside of formal programme structures. In between these two positions are a large group of ‘non-aligned’ Muslims, whose views shift according to the unfolding of events. For many of these, a ‘weaker’ critique of Prevent does have some resonance in that they disagree with how some aspects of it have been delivered, but accept that ultimately there is a problem that needs to be confronted. Their concerns are pragmatically grounded in terms of how interventions should and should not be delivered. The police role in Prevent appeared to be viewed more positively than the wide-ranging remit afforded to the local authority based ‘Preventing Violent Extremism’ element. Overall though, there was a strong sense in the data of Prevent being a ‘tainted’ brand’. Such views have been strongly influenced by the legacy of how Prevent was initially introduced in a hurry without establishing clarity of mission, or testing of appropriate tactical and strategic interventions. These concerns notwithstanding, appropriately configured targeted policing interventions did receive community support and backing. Taken as a whole, Muslims express higher levels of trust and confidence in the police than do the general population. This is in spite of them reporting crime and disorder impacts more negatively upon them than do the general population. This is an important finding because it challenges the oft repeated claim that Muslim communities in the UK are being profoundly alienated and disenchanted by the workings of the Prevent programme. The evidence available for this study suggests that the actual situation is somewhat more complex. Time trend analysis of a number of general policing indicators contained within the BCS covering the period in which Prevent has been implemented shows that Muslim community perceptions of the police have been remarkably stable, and largely positive. It is thus concluded that Prevent policing does not appear to be causing widespread damage to police and Muslim community relations.” Details: London: The Association of Chief Police Officers, 2011. 102p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed April 14, 2011 at: http://www.acpo.police.uk/documents/TAM/2011/PREVENT%20Innes%200311%20Final%20send%202.pdf Year: 2011 Country: United Kingdom URL: http://www.acpo.police.uk/documents/TAM/2011/PREVENT%20Innes%200311%20Final%20send%202.pdf Shelf Number: 121337 Keywords: Counter-TerrorismMinority GroupsMuslimsPolice-Community RelationsPolicing (U.K.) |
Author: National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) Title: Misplaced Priorities: Over Incarcerate, Under Educate Summary: For 102 years, the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) has played a pivotal role in shaping a national agenda to ensure the political, educational, social, and economic equality of African Americans and others who face a history of discrimination in the United States. In this new report, Misplaced Priorities: Over Incarcerate, Under Educate, NAACP researchers assembled data from leading research organizations and profiled six cities to show how escalating investments in incarceration over the past 30 years have undermined educational opportunities. Misplaced Priorities represents a call to action for public officials, policymakers, and local NAACP units and members by providing a framework to implement a policy agenda that will financially prioritize investments in education over incarceration, provide equal protection under the law, eliminate sentencing policies responsible for over incarceration, and advance public safety strategies that effectively increase healthy development in communities. Misplaced Priorities echoes existing research on the impact excessive prison spending has on education budgets. Over the last two decades, as the criminal justice system came to assume a larger proportion of state discretionary dollars nationwide, state spending on prisons grew at six times the rate of state spending on higher education. In 2009, as the nation plummeted into the deepest recession in 30 years, funding for K–12 and higher education declined; however, in that same year, 33 states spent a larger proportion of their discretionary dollars on prisons than they had the year before. Details: Baltimore, MD: NAACP, 2011. 57p. Source: Internet Resource: April 25, 2011 at: http://naacp.3cdn.net/01d6f368edbe135234_bq0m68x5h.pdf Year: 2011 Country: United States URL: http://naacp.3cdn.net/01d6f368edbe135234_bq0m68x5h.pdf Shelf Number: 121488 Keywords: Costs of Criminal JusticeEducationMinority GroupsPrison ExpendituresPrisonersRace/EthnicityRacial Discrimination |
Author: Te Puni Kōkiri, the Ministry for Māori Development Title: Māori Designed, Developed and Delivered Initiatives to Reduce Māori Offending and Re-offending Summary: This report covers the proceedings of the wānanga (conference) hosted by Te Puni Kōkiri 24 June 2010 Brentwood Hotel Wellington. The purpose of the wānanga was primarily an opportunity to share the learning from Māori designed, developed and delivered initiatives with policy analysts and others working to address the drivers of crime and with an interest in reducing the over-representation of Māori in the criminal justice system. The impetus for this work began three or four years ago when the former government was concerned about high rates of Māori imprisonment. It became clear that Māori wanted an opportunity to design, develop and deliver initiatives themselves to address the problems leading to high levels of imprisonment. The way policy development works is premised on research evidence but there is little evidence-based information on what works for Māori. Most of the evidence that informs what is designed for Government is from overseas and not based on actual Māori experience. It is important to look at how Māori see the world and the solutions that Māori design for their communities. Māori tend to develop initiatives based on hypotheses, but do not have the resources to research them or fully evaluate them. They then find that government funders say that there is no evidence to support the initiatives. However, in practice there is much to be learnt from Māori designed, developed and delivered initiatives and early evaluations have shown promising results. Details: Wellington, NZ: New Zealand Government, 2010. 50p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed April 26, 2011 at: http://www.tpk.govt.nz/en/in-print/our-publications/publications/maori-designed-developed-and-delivered-initiatives-to-reduce-maori-offending-and-re-offending/download/tpk-reduceoffend-2010-en.pdf Year: 2010 Country: New Zealand URL: http://www.tpk.govt.nz/en/in-print/our-publications/publications/maori-designed-developed-and-delivered-initiatives-to-reduce-maori-offending-and-re-offending/download/tpk-reduceoffend-2010-en.pdf Shelf Number: 121499 Keywords: Crime PreventionIndigenous Peoples (New Zealand)Minority GroupsPrisonersRecidivismReoffending |
Author: European Roma Rights Centre Title: Imperfect Justice: Anti-Roma Violence and Impunity Summary: In the present study the ERRC monitored the State response in 44 of the most violent anti-Roma attacks reported to police in the Czech Republic (14 cases), Hungary (22 cases) and Slovakia (8 cases). The individual cases presented in this study were defined on the basis of initial reporting on an incident by media and NGO sources. During ERRC follow-up with police, prosecutors and courts, information indicating multiple perpetrators or in some cases even possibly multiple incidents came to light. This information is included in the description of individual case follow-up to the extent possible. In the first phase available information about cases was collected, mostly from media and NGO partners. In the second phase, the ERRC sent a series of requests for information to responsible police departments, prosecutors and courts. The ERRC sought anonymised information related to the status and results of the police investigation, charges brought, sanction of perpetrators and the treatment of racial motive in the investigation and prosecution of the acts. The ERRC attempted to update all cases as this report was being finalised but there may be recent developments not reported in some. The information presented in this study represents the results of the investigation and prosecution of crimes against Roma: it does not aim to assess the quality of these actions as such. A number of shortcomings in the State response to violence against Roma are apparent. Details: Budapest, Hungary: European Roma Rights Centre, 2011. 34p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed April 26, 2011 at: http://www.errc.org/cms/upload/file/czech-hungary-slovakia-imperfect-justice-06-march-2011.pdf Year: 2011 Country: Europe URL: http://www.errc.org/cms/upload/file/czech-hungary-slovakia-imperfect-justice-06-march-2011.pdf Shelf Number: 121503 Keywords: Bias-Motivated CrimesGypsiesHate CrimesMinority GroupsRacial Discrimination |
Author: Newitt, Esther: Tasmania Law Reform Institute Title: Racial Vilification and Racially Motivated Offences Summary: In 2009 and 2010 there was an apparent increase in the number of racially motivated attacks on immigrants and international students in Australia. Whether these incidents were in fact racially motivated or merely opportunistic attacks on those who were vulnerable by reason of shift/late night work and dependence on public transport is a matter of continuing debate. What is clear, however, is that these attacks raised considerable safety concerns among minority groups in Australia and damaged Australia’s reputation as a tolerant multi-cultural society and a safe destination for international students and immigrants from diverse ethnic backgrounds. Against this background, the death of an Asian student studying at the University of Tasmania prompted the Vice-Chancellor of the University to ask the Tasmania Law Reform Institute to undertake a project examining the capacity of Tasmanian laws to address racial vilification and racially motivated offences. In particular, the Vice-Chancellor asked whether there was a need to make changes to the criminal law, such as the enactment of criminal racial vilification offences. At about the same time, the Tasmanian Greens Party wrote to the Attorney-General of Tasmania requesting that the Institute be provided with a reference in relation to extending Tasmania’s antidiscrimination laws to ensure that racial vilification constitutes a criminal offence. The Board of the Institute accepted the Vice-Chancellor’s reference in August 2009. Racial vilification is a broad term that involves more than simply judging others as inferior because of their perceived race or ethnicity, or discriminating against them on such grounds. The term ‘racial vilification’ is generally used to refer to offensive and abusive comments or acts which either express, demonstrate or incite hatred and contempt for individuals on the grounds of their race or ethnicity. Other terms, such as ‘racial hatred’, ‘hate propaganda’ and ‘hate speech’ may be used to describe such behaviour. In this Report, ‘racial vilification’ is intended to cover all possible acts that may fall under any of these terms. This Report reviews the current Tasmanian laws that are relevant to the issues of racial vilification and racially motivated offences, describes the applicable Commonwealth laws and includes a consideration of International Conventions and Declarations and their application to Australian domestic law. The Report also includes a brief survey of the legal changes in other jurisdictions that have been introduced to address the problem of racial vilification and racially motivated offences. The need for reform is then considered and finally the Report recommends which reform options are seen as the most effective and appropriate for Tasmania. In making these recommendations, the Institute has given detailed consideration to all responses to the Issues Paper it received. One of the major issues raised in the Issues Paper was whether Tasmania should make racial vilification a criminal offence, and if so, whether it should introduce new provisions in the existing Anti-Discrimination Act 1998 (Tas), the Police Offences Act 1935 or the Criminal Code. In considering this issue, a number of key questions were asked. These questions formed the basis of the majority of responses received by the Institute. Details: Hobart, Tasmania: Tasmania Law Reform Institute, 2011. 67p. Source: Internet Resource: Final Report No. 14: Accessed April 28, 2011 at: http://www.law.utas.edu.au/reform/documents/RV_Final_Report.pdf Year: 2011 Country: Australia URL: http://www.law.utas.edu.au/reform/documents/RV_Final_Report.pdf Shelf Number: 121569 Keywords: Bias CrimesHate Crimes (Tasmania)Minority GroupsRacially Motivated Crimes |
Author: Australia. Parliament. House of Representatives. Standing Committee on Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Affairs Title: Doing Time - Time for Doing: Indigenous Youth in the Criminal Justice System Summary: Indigenous juveniles are 28 times more likely than non-Indigenous juveniles to be incarcerated, despite Indigenous peoples representing only 2.5 percent of the Australian population. Indigenous social and economic disadvantage have contributed to the high levels of Indigenous contact with the criminal justice system. the Committee found there is intergenerational dysfunction in some Indigenous communities which presents a significant challenge to break the cycle of offending, recidivism and incarceration. The Committee examined current policy arrangements for overcoming Indigenous disadvantage and found it concerning that the Council of Australian Government’s (COAG’s) Closing the Gap Strategy did not include a National Partnership Agreement dedicated to the Safe Communities Building Block, nor did it include specific targets relating to justice. The Committee found this concerning in view of the weight of evidence it received during the inquiry that linked unsafe communities to the development of negative social norms and increasingly high rates of juvenile offending. The Committee has made 40 recommendations to Government and believes that to effect change in the area of Indigenous disadvantage and disproportionate incarceration rates, the following principles must be applied: engage and empower Indigenous communities in the development and implementation of policy and programs address the needs of Indigenous families and communities as a whole integrate and coordinate initiatives by government agencies, non-government agencies, and local individuals and groups focus on early intervention and the wellbeing of Indigenous children rather than punitive responses, and engage Indigenous leaders and elders in positions of responsibility and respect. Details: Canberra: Australian Parliament, 2011. 378p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed June 30, 2011 at: http://www.aph.gov.au/house/committee/atsia/sentencing/report/fullreport.pdf Year: 2011 Country: Australia URL: http://www.aph.gov.au/house/committee/atsia/sentencing/report/fullreport.pdf Shelf Number: 121926 Keywords: Indigenous PeoplesJuvenile Offenders (Australia)Minority GroupsPovertySocioeconomic Status |
Author: Gabhann, Conn Mac Title: Voices Unheard: A Study of Irish Travellers in Prison Summary: The Travellers in Prison Research Project, (TPRP), an initiative of the Irish Chaplaincy in Britain, (ICB), conducted research across prisons in England and Wales during the period August 2010 to March 2011 in order to establish an accurate picture of prisoners from an Irish Traveller background. The culmination of this research, Voices Unheard, is the first study of Irish Travellers in prison in England and Wales. It is first and foremost a presentation of data regarding Irish Travellers in prison. By accurately describing the situation of Irish Travellers in prison, it is hoped that the report proves to be a catalyst for effective monitoring of this prisoner group and consequently, the efficient re-deployment of available resources for Irish Travellers in prison. Effective service delivery to Irish Travellers in prison can result in a reduction in re-offending amongst this group and a corresponding reduction in the harm done to society in general. Voices Unheard, thereby, can represent a positive way forward for both the Irish Travelling community and wider society. Since 2003, HM Prison Service has been aware of the failure to adequately address the needs of Irish Travellers in prison in England and Wales. Irish Travellers suffer unequal hardship in prison. Poor levels of literacy, mental illness, limited access to services, discrimination and prejudicial licence conditions for release, disproportionately affect Traveller prisoners. Despite official recognition of these issues and the size of the Traveller population perhaps being as high as 1% of the overall prison population, little intervention has taken place to encourage rehabilitation amongst this group. Without appropriate strategies for Travellers in prison, society will continue to bear the social and economic burden of warehousing an ethnic group who cannot access education courses because they cannot read; a group that cannot complete rehabilitation programmes because they cannot write; and a group that cannot file their grievances because they cannot complete forms. Irish Travellers are members of a legally recognised ethnic group which has been a part of British society for centuries. Irish Travellers were, until the 1950s, an integral part of the rural economy in Britain, providing a wide range of skills and labour. Urbanisation, mass production of plastics, the mechanisation of agriculture and the bureaucratisation of society have undermined the traditional basis of the Traveller economy. Irish Travellers, as a result, have become marginalised economically and in turn, have become increasingly marginalised socially. A hostile media and definitively anti-nomadic legislation such as the Criminal Justice and Public Order Act 1994, have exacerbated the precarious condition of this group. Irish Travellers have not always adapted to the dynamics of contemporary life in Britain. Committed to retaining their strong family bonds and nomadic way of life, many Travellers have refused to assimilate into British society. On occasion, maintaining the Traveller way of life, has, for some Travellers, meant living apart from mainstream society. Experiences of pervasive prejudice from within mainstream society, for example, in terms of accommodation or educational opportunities, have conditioned some in this community to become less concerned with society’s rules and more interested in their own survival and prosperity. TPRP found that this narrative frequently results in the imprisonment of Irish Travellers. Overall, TPRP found that prisons are ill-prepared to deal with this distinctive prisoner group, failing to address the needs of Irish Traveller prisoners and consequently, failing in broader ambitions to reduce recidivism. Voices Unheard enumerates the challenges facing Irish Travellers in prison and makes initial recommendations for the improved delivery of services to this prisoner group, for the benefit of the Irish Traveller community and wider society. Details: London: Irish Chaplaincy in Britain, 2011. 91p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed July 19, 2011 at: http://www.iprt.ie/files/Voices_Unheard_June_2011.pdf Year: 2011 Country: United Kingdom URL: http://www.iprt.ie/files/Voices_Unheard_June_2011.pdf Shelf Number: 122109 Keywords: Ethnic GroupsGypsies (U.K.)InmatesMinority GroupsPrisoners |
Author: Comeau, Michelle J. Title: Representation and Recruitment: A Three-Part Analysis of the Police Hiring Process Within New York State Summary: This thesis consists of three separate analyses, each of which examines the representation of women, African Americans, and Latinos in the police organization in some form. The initial study compares department representation to that of the community in regards to race or ethnicity and gender. This is followed by the second study, which looks at the hiring process of one department within a mid-sized city (Rochester, NY) in detail, noting attrition by majority/minority status at each hurdle applicants‟ face. The study portion of this thesis concludes by utilizing data from the second study to create a model of attrition for the Rochester Police Department. From these three studies a series of recommendations for departments was developed that focused on the ways to increase representation and promote retention among applicants. Details: Rochester, NY: Rochester Institute of Technology, Department of Criminal Justice, 2011. 107p. Source: Internet Resource: Master's Thesis: Accessed August 2, 2011 at: http://www.rit.edu/cla/cpsi/WorkingPapers/2011/2011-04.pdf Year: 2011 Country: United States URL: http://www.rit.edu/cla/cpsi/WorkingPapers/2011/2011-04.pdf Shelf Number: 122250 Keywords: Minority GroupsPolice Recruitment and Selection (New York State) |
Author: Morris, Monique W. Title: A Higher Hurdle: Barriers to Employment for Formerly Incarcerated Women Summary: Today there are more than two million incarcerated men, women, and children in the United States, with more than 167,000 men and women incarcerated in California’s 33 adult prisons alone. In 2008, one in every 100 Americans is incarcerated, with higher rates of incarceration for men and women of color, particularly African Americans. As a result of disproportionate arrest rates and punitive responses to drug and property crimes, women comprise the fastest-growing segment of the incarcerated population. In California, two-thirds of incarcerated women are mothers of children under the age of 18, compared to about half of the population of incarcerated men. Nationwide, more than five million men and women are on probation or parole, comprising the majority of the 7.2 million people who are under some form of criminal justice system supervision in the United States. In the second quarter of 2008, the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation reported 125,097 men and women on parole, a disproportionate number of whom are people of color, and a growing number of whom are women and parents. Research has confirmed that a criminal record presents a barrier to formerly incarcerated men who seek employment because many employers have negative attitudes toward people with a criminal record. Additionally, job seekers with criminal records are challenged by the increasing frequency with which potential employers inquire about the arrest and conviction history of applicants and perform background checks on leading candidates. There is, however, a dearth of research examining the specific challenges that formerly incarcerated women face when seeking employment. Researchers at the Thelton E. Henderson Center for Social Justice (HCSJ) at the UC Berkeley Law School sought to fill this void by examining whether a history of incarceration has an impact on employment opportunities for women. Additionally, researchers examined whether the race and ethnicity of female job applicants impacted employment opportunities. This study is one of the first to combine a matched-pair testing methodology and participatory research strategy to measure potential differential treatment among formerly incarcerated women seeking employment. Researchers in this study worked closely with an Advisory Committee comprised of women who are formerly incarcerated or who work with formerly incarcerated women in the greater San Francisco Bay Area. For this study, researchers conducted 1200 résumé tests; in each test, one résumé included a subtle reference to a period of incarceration and one did not. Résumés were submitted for six racial and ethnic groups, including African American, Latina American, Pacific Islander American (Samoan), Asian American (Vietnamese), and White American. Arabic names that suggest an affiliation with Islam were also included. Additionally, HCSJ researchers conducted focus groups and interviews with forty formerly incarcerated women and developed an annotated bibliography of literature examining employment barriers for women with a criminal record. A Higher Hurdle: Barriers to Employment for Incarcerated Women found that a criminal record has a negative impact on employment opportunities of women. Formerly incarcerated women are significantly less likely than non-formerly incarcerated women to receive a positive response (5.5% vs. 8.0%, respectively) from potential employers and face a number of mental, financial, and physical barriers to seeking and retaining employment. Details: Berkeley, CA: University of California - Berkeley, School of Law, Thelton E. Henderson Center for Social Justice, 2008. 32p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed August 31, 2011 at: http://www.law.berkeley.edu/files/A_Higher_Hurdle_December_2008(1).pdf Year: 2008 Country: United States URL: http://www.law.berkeley.edu/files/A_Higher_Hurdle_December_2008(1).pdf Shelf Number: 122566 Keywords: Ex-Offenders, EmploymentFemale OffendersMinority GroupsPrisoner Reentry (California) |
Author: Arya, Neelum Title: Critical Condition: African-American Youth in the Justice System Summary: This reports presents an examination of how African-American youth are disproportionately affected by transfer laws. Key findings include that most African-American youth are transferred by statutory exclusion or prosecutorial waiver mechanisms, many are not convicted (suggesting that the cases brought against them are not very strong), and that most youth prosecuted in the adult system are not serious violent offenders. Details: Washington, DC: Campaign for Youth Justice, 2008. 50p. Source: Internet Resource: Policy Brief, Race and Ethnicity Vol. 2: Accessed October 4, 2011 at: http://www.campaignforyouthjustice.org/documents/CFYJPB_CriticalCondition.pdf Year: 2008 Country: United States URL: http://www.campaignforyouthjustice.org/documents/CFYJPB_CriticalCondition.pdf Shelf Number: 114889 Keywords: Juvenile Court TransferMinority GroupsWaiver (of Juvenile Court Jurisdiction) |
Author: Hartney, Christopher Title: Created Equal: Racial and Ethnic Disparities in the US Criminal Justice System Summary: African Americans make up 13% of the general US population, yet they constitute 28% of all arrests, 40% of all inmates held in prisons and jails, and 42% of the population on death row. In contrast, Whites make up 67% of the total US population and 70% of all arrests, yet only 40% of all inmates held in state prisons or local jails and 56% of the population on death row. Hispanics and Native Americans are also alarmingly overrepresented in the criminal justice system. This overrepresentation of people of color in the nation’s criminal justice system, also referred to as disproportionate minority contact (DMC), is a serious issue in our society. DMC has been the subject of concern in the juvenile justice system since 1988, when a federal mandate required states to address the issue for system-involved youth. This mandate led to an increase in the information on racial disparities in the juvenile system and efforts to reduce these numbers. However, no such efforts have been made in the adult system. This report documents DMC in the adult criminal justice system by tabulating the most reliable data available. It does not seek to thoroughly describe the causes of DMC nor does it perform an advanced statistical analysis of how various factors impact disparity. Disproportionate representation most likely stems from a combination of many different circumstances and decisions. It is difficult to ascertain definitive causes; the nature of offenses, differential policing policies and practices, sentencing laws, or racial bias are just some of the possible contributors to disparities in the system. Some studies have begun to explore these issues and are so cited, but the purpose of this report is to describe the nature and extent of the problem. DMC is problematic not only because persons of color are incarcerated in greater numbers, but because they face harsher penalties for given crimes and that the discrepancies accumulate through the stages of the system. This report presents the data on DMC in arrests, court processing and sentencing, new admissions and ongoing populations in prison and jails, probation and parole, capital punishment, and recidivism. At each of these stages, persons of color, particularly African Americans, are more likely to receive less favorable results than their White counterparts. The data reveal that, overall, Hispanics are also overrepresented, though to a lesser extent than African Americans, and that Asian Pacific Islanders as a whole are generally underrepresented. Correcting DMC in the adult system will require improvements in state and federal data collection. In contrast to juvenile DMC data, much of which can be found from a single source and can often be compared across the stages of the juvenile system, data for the adult system are only available through several independent federal and state data collection programs. Each dataset uses different sampling methods, in effect, obscuring how DMC accumulates in the system. All data in this report reflect national figures; when possible, data by state are also presented. All data reported are categorized by race and, when possible, by ethnicity. The latest available data are usually from 2003 to 2006. Most data are reported as a Relative Rate Index, a ratio of the rates at which people of color and Whites are represented in the system relative to their representation in the general population. Failing to separate ethnicity from race hides the true disparity among races, as Hispanics — a growing proportion of the system’s population—are often combined with Whites, which has the effect of inflating White rates and deflating African American rates in comparison. Asian American system populations, while small in comparison to the other groups, also need to be disaggregated. Disaggregation of “Asian,” for instance, allows researchers to assess subgroups such as Vietnamese, Chinese, Indian, Japanese, etc., some of which may have disproportion even when the overall group does not. Despite the shortcomings of the data, this report shows clearly that people of color are overrepresented throughout the adult system and that the system often responds more harshly to people of color than to Whites for similar offenses. Details: Oakland, CA: National Council on Crime and Delinquency, 2009. 44p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed October 5, 2011 at: http://www.nccd-crc.org/nccd/pdf/CreatedEqualReport2009.pdf Year: 2009 Country: United States URL: http://www.nccd-crc.org/nccd/pdf/CreatedEqualReport2009.pdf Shelf Number: 113857 Keywords: African AmericansCriminal Justice Systems (U.S.)Disproportionate Minority ContactMinority GroupsRacial Disparities |
Author: Botcherby, Sue Title: Equality groups' perceptions and experience of crime: Analysis of the British Crime Survey 2007-08, 2008-09 and 2009-10 Summary: The Equality Act 2010 introduces a new equality duty requiring public authorities to show due regard to the need to eliminate unlawful discrimination, harassment and victimisation; advance equality and foster good relations across all the protected characteristics. The Act defines harassment as ‘unwanted conduct related to a relevant protected characteristic’ which violates a person’s dignity or creates ‘an intimidating, hostile, degrading, humiliating or offensive environment’. This briefing uses British Crime Survey (BCS) data to understand the different equality groups’ expectations about being insulted and their experience of intimidation, threats, violence and crime. It also analyses the experience and reporting of hate crime, that is, crime motivated by the offender’s attitudes to the victim’s age, gender, ethnicity, religion, sexual orientation or disability compared to other crime not motivated by prejudice. The briefing finds that there is widespread expectation of being insulted or intimidated in public places amongst most minority equality groups. Younger age groups, men, and lesbian, gay and bisexual (LGB) respondents are more likely to report being a victim of crime, and experiencing threats or deliberate use of violence than older age groups, women and heterosexual respondents. Ethnic minority groups are more likely than White groups to report being a victim of crime, but the Mixed and White groups are most likely to experience violence. People over sixty, ethnic minority groups and LGB respondents are most likely to report experiencing crime motivated by the offender’s attitude to their identity. Victims of hate crime are more likely to inform police of such incidents than victims of otherwise motivated crimes. Details: Manchester, United Kingdom: Equality and Human Rights Commission, University of Lancaster, 2011. 26p. Source: Research Briefing Paper 4: Internet Resource: Accessed on January 27, 2012 at http://www.equalityhumanrights.com/uploaded_files/research/bp4.pdf Year: 2011 Country: United Kingdom URL: http://www.equalityhumanrights.com/uploaded_files/research/bp4.pdf Shelf Number: 123844 Keywords: Bias CrimeBritish Crime SurveyHate CrimeMinority GroupsPublic Opinion (U.K.) |
Author: Thiara, Ravi K. Title: Domestic Violence, Child Contact and Post-Separation Violence: Issues for South Asian and African-Caribbean Women and Children: a Report of Findings Summary: This report details research undertaken with South Asian and African-Caribbean mothers who had experienced domestic violence and have since separated from their partners. The research reviews the knowledge base around domestic violence and child contact and looks at the particular issues experienced by women in these communities. It reports on the findings from interviews with 19 children, 45 women, and 71 professionals. Details: London: NSPCC - National Society for the Prevention of Cruely to Children, 2012. 160p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed February 3, 2012 at This report details research undertaken with South Asian and African-Caribbean mothers who had experienced domestic violence and have since separated from their partners. The research reviews the knowledge base around domestic violence and child contact and looks at the particular issues experienced by women in these communities. It reports on the findings from interviews with 19 children, 45 women, and 71 professionals. Year: 2012 Country: United Kingdom URL: Shelf Number: 123953 Keywords: Children, Crimes AgainstDomestic Violence (U.K.)Female VictimsJuvenile VictimsMinority Groups |
Author: Bell, James Title: Non-Judicial Drivers into the Juvenile Justice System for Youth of Color Summary: Executive Director of the Burns Institute James Bell authored a new report, Non-Judicial Drivers into the Juvenile Justice System for Youth of Color. Originally prepared for the California Endowment's Boys & Men of Color Initiative, the report discusses the negative impacts incarceration can have on a young person's psyche as well as their physical health. The report also discusses how a lack of access to proper medical care and a lack of knowledge in the justice field of trauma-informed alternatives disproportionately drive youth of color into the juvenile justice system. Details: San Francisco, CA: W. Haywood Burns Institute, 20. 12p. Source: Prepared for The California Endowment's Boys & Men of Color Initiative: Internet Resource: Accessed February 19, 2012 at http://www.burnsinstitute.org/downloads/Non-Judicial%20drivers%20report_fin.pdf Year: 0 Country: United States URL: http://www.burnsinstitute.org/downloads/Non-Judicial%20drivers%20report_fin.pdf Shelf Number: 124192 Keywords: Juvenile Justice SystemJuvenile OffendersMental Health ServicesMinority Groups |
Author: Hobbs, Anne Title: Nebraska State DMC Assessment Summary: The Juvenile Justice Delinquency Prevention Act charges states to institute multipronged strategies not only to prevent delinquency but to improve the juvenile justice system and assure equal treatment of all youth. To successfully address Disproportionate Minority Contact (DMC), the Office of Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention recommends a five-phase process, whereby jurisdictions: 1) identify whether disproportionality exists and the extent to which it exists; 2) assess the contributing factors, examine minority overrepresentation and explain differences at all contact stages of the juvenile justice system; 3) provide an intervention plan; 4) evaluate the efficacy of efforts to reduce DMC; and 5) monitor and track DMC trends over time to identify emerging critical issues and to determine whether there has been progress. The goal of this assessment is to identify the factors that contribute to DMC so that Nebraska’s juvenile justice system stakeholders can design appropriate intervention strategies. Like many assessments of this type, we were limited by the availability and quality of data. However, the report and recommendations that follow identify ways in which Nebraska can: 1) improve its capacity to develop data-driven approaches to addressing DMC; 2) examine subjective discretion points for the purpose of removing the potential for implicit bias to impact decision making; and 3) implement best practices to improve the juvenile justice system. Details: Lincoln, NE: Nebraska Commission on Law Enforcement and Criminal Justice, 2012. 149p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed June 27, 2012 at: http://www.ncc.ne.gov/pdf/others/DMCAssessment2012.pdf Year: 2012 Country: United States URL: http://www.ncc.ne.gov/pdf/others/DMCAssessment2012.pdf Shelf Number: 125417 Keywords: DiscriminationJuvenile Justice System (Nebraska)Minority GroupsRacial Disparities |
Author: New Mexico Sentencing Commission Title: State of New Mexico Disproportionate Minority Contact Statewide Assessment: Preliminary Report Summary: The disproportionate minority contact (DMC) mandate of the federal Office of Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention (OJJDP) requires states to institute multi-pronged intervention strategies including juvenile delinquency prevention efforts and system improvements to assure equal treatment of all youth. Disproportionate minority contact (DMC) is defined as an overrepresentation of minority youth at any stage within the juvenile justice system (Huizinga et al., 2007). The nine stages within the juvenile justice system where contact occurs are: arrest; referral; diversion; case petitioned; secure detention; delinquency finding; probation; confinement in secure correctional facility; and case transferred, certified, and waived to adult court (OJJDP, 2009A). The purpose of this assessment is to begin to determine the mechanisms contributing to DMC in New Mexico. This assessment is based primarily on juvenile justice system data provided by the New Mexico Children, Youth and Families Department (CYFD) Data Analysis/FACTS Bureau. Other sources of information used in this report include: relative rate index trends, the review of reports compiled by other states, a review of other literature, a review of the New Mexico juvenile justice system, and formal and informal discussions with CYFD staff. We also briefly describe other aspects of our research that includes a review of juvenile justice system prevention and intervention programs that provide additional context to the NM juvenile justice system. Details: Albuquerque: New Mexico Sentencing Commission, 2012. 40p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed July 17, 2012 at: nmsc.unm.edu/nmsc_reports/ Year: 2012 Country: United States URL: Shelf Number: 125652 Keywords: Juvenile Justice Systems (New Mexico)Juvenile OffendersMinority GroupsMinority OverrepresentationMinority YouthRacial Disparities |
Author: Bolognani, Marta Title: A "Community Criminology". Perceptions of Crime and Social Control Amongst Bradford Pakistanis Summary: Despite the undeniable significance of the `race and crime' stream in criminology, knowledge held by minority ethnic groups on these matters is still much overlooked. It is this gap in the literature that this thesis begins to fill, based on both fieldwork and documentary research. The case-study through which the importance of minority ethnic views is investigated is a Bradford Pakistani one. The neglect by academic criminological accounts of a systematic analysis of minorities' views, and their cultural specificities, may be imputed in part to the fear of pathologisation. On the other hand, many media accounts seem to look at alleged `dysfunctionalities' of certain groups. After September 11th 2001 and July 7th 2005, Muslim communities seem particularly susceptible to negative stereotyping. The research looks at `cultural agency', avoiding ill-fitted generalisation and stereotypes based on an imposed essentialisation of the Bradford Pakistani community. This thesis analyses Bradford Pakistanis' perceptions of crime and its production, construction, sanctioning and prevention, through an `emic' approach. Thus, emic units are discovered by the analyst in the specific reality of a study and the social actors, rather than created by her/him a priori, or by imposing universal categories created for other settings. Through collecting perceptions around crime ethnographically, the research revealed that Bradford Pakistanis' perceptions of crime and control are a combination of the formal and informal, or British and `traditional' Pakistani, that are no longer separable in the diasporic context. The emic of cultural agency can be said to legitimise the term community criminology, but not in the sense that Bradford Pakistanis possess exclusive and monolithic criminological discourses, labelling, preventive strategies and rehabilitation practices. Rather, they engage with mainstream criminological and policy discourses in a way that might well be considered a kind of reflection representative of the position of their diaspora: community for them does not only include their traditional structures but all the intracommunal and intercommunal relations that are meaningful to them, both as resources and constraints. Details: Leeds, UK: University of Leeds, 2006. 317p. Source: Dissertation Available at the Gottfredson Library of Criminal Justice Year: 2006 Country: United Kingdom URL: Shelf Number: 125717 Keywords: BiasHate CrimesMinority GroupsMuslimsPakistanisSocial Control Theory (U.K.) |
Author: Center for Constitutional Rights Title: Stop and Frisk: The Human Impact. The Stories Behind the Numbers; The Effects on Our Communities Summary: The New York City Police Department's (NYPD’s) aggressive stop-and-frisk practices are having a profound effect on individuals, groups and communities across the city. This report documents some of the human stories behind the staggering statistics and sheds new light on the breadth of impact this policy is having on individuals and groups, in neighborhoods, and citywide. The Center for Constitutional Rights conducted a series of interviews with people who have been stopped and frisked by NYPD and heard testimonies from a wide range of people who are living under the weight of the unprecedented explosion of this practice. These interviews provide evidence of how deeply this practice impacts individuals and they document widespread civil and human rights abuses, including illegal profiling, improper arrests, inappropriate touching, sexual harassment, humiliation and violence at the hands of police officers. The effects of these abuses can be devastating and often leave behind lasting emotional, psychological, social, and economic harm. The NYPD stop-and-frisk program affects thousands of people every day in New York City and it is widely acknowledged that an overwhelming majority of those people are Black or Latino. This report shows that many are also members of a range of other communities that are experiencing devastating impact from this program, including LGBTQ/GNC people, non-citizens, homeless people, religious minorities, low-income people, residents of certain neighborhoods and youth. Residents of some New York City neighborhoods describe a police presence so pervasive and hostile that they feel like they are living in a state of siege. What these stories describe are widespread and systematic human and civil rights violations against thousands of New Yorkers on a daily basis. The NYPD and city and state governments must act immediately to put policies and legal protections in place to end these abuses. Details: New York: Center for Constituitonal Rights, 2012. 40p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed July 30, 2012 at: http://ccrjustice.org/the-human-impact-report.pdf Year: 2012 Country: United States URL: http://ccrjustice.org/the-human-impact-report.pdf Shelf Number: 125813 Keywords: Civil Rights AbusesMinority GroupsPolice DiscretionRacial Profiling in Law EnforcementStop and FriskStop and Search (New York City) |
Author: Noriega, Chon A. Title: Quantifying Hate Speech on Commercial Talk Radio: A Pilot Study Summary: The considerable and often heated debate over hate speech has produced numerous reports, articles, and books. These studies have looked at the issue from a number of disciplinary perspectives, including those of journalism, law, linguistics, economics, history, and philosophy. These studies offer valuable theoretical, conceptual, interpretive, and descriptive insights into hate speech, but they often rest upon unsubstantiated empirical premises about the phenomenon itself. Indeed, to date there is limited research on hate speech using scientific approaches to medium, content, and impact. The main goal of this pilot study is to develop a sound, replicable methodology for qualitative content analysis that can be used to examine hate speech in commercial broadcasting that targets vulnerable groups—ethnic, racial, religious, and/or sexual minorities. This pilot study establishes data-driven descriptive categories for such speech and creates a preliminary baseline or reference point for future research. Details: Los Angeles: UCLA Chicano Studies Research Center, 2011. 42p. Source: Internet Resource: CSRC Working Paper: Accessed August 6, 2012 at: http://www.chicano.ucla.edu/research/documents/WPQuantifyingHateSpeech.pdf Year: 2011 Country: United States URL: http://www.chicano.ucla.edu/research/documents/WPQuantifyingHateSpeech.pdf Shelf Number: 125866 Keywords: Hate SpeechMediaMinority GroupsTalk Radio |
Author: Hollist, Dusten Title: Assessing the Mechanisms that Contribute to Disproportionate Minority Contact in Montana's Juvenile Justice Systems Summary: The objective of the research was to conduct a disproportionate minority contact assessment oriented toward providing an understanding of the contributing factors that influence minority overrepresentation trends in four Montana counties. Specifically, the investigation involved a quantitative examination of the role of extra-legal and social factors in the explanation of disproportionate minority contact. The study used data from focus groups and face-to-face interviews with juvenile justice systems decision makers to put in to context and provide a more complete understanding of the mechanisms that contribute to disproportionate minority contact in Montana. The primary research objectives are based on an examination of the following questions: 1. Are minority juveniles overrepresented in Montana’s Juvenile Justice Systems? • Are disparities concentrated in a single decision point or are they spread out across multiple points? 2. Does race continue to contribute to disproportionate minority contact after social characteristics (e.g. individual and family factors) and criminal histories have been accounted for in the models? • Are the findings similar when examined across multiple decisions points (e.g. referral to the county attorney; petitions for adjudication; delinquency findings; confinement in secure placement)? Details: Missoula, MT: Social Science Research Laboratory University of Montana, Missoula, 2012. 52p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed September 17, 2012 at: http://mbcc.mt.gov/Data/SAC/RAI/DMC%20Technical%20Report%20_Final%20Version_.pdf Year: 2012 Country: United States URL: http://mbcc.mt.gov/Data/SAC/RAI/DMC%20Technical%20Report%20_Final%20Version_.pdf Shelf Number: 126356 Keywords: Juvenile Justice SystemJuvenile Offenders (Montana)Minority GroupsRacial Disparities |
Author: Saint-Fort, Pradine Title: Engaging Police in Immigrant Communities: Promising Practices from the Field Summary: Law enforcement faces many barriers to policing new immigrant communities and cultivating partnerships with these groups. Language barriers, immigrants’ reluctance to report crime for fear of deportation, fear of police, federal immigration enforcement, and cultural differences, can lead to misunderstandings between law enforcement and community members. The Engaging Police in Immigrant Communities (EPIC) project highlights promising practices that law enforcement agencies nationwide are using to build effective police-immigrant relations. This guidebook is accompanied by podcasts on the same topic, as well as a website with additional materials and resources available through www.vera.org/epic. Details: Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Justice, Office of Community Oriented Policing Services; New York: Vera Institute of Justice, 2012. 39p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed November 9, 2012 at: http://www.cops.usdoj.gov/Publications/e071218496_Engaging-Police-in-Immigrant-Comm_v5_19OCT12.pdf Year: 2012 Country: United States URL: http://www.cops.usdoj.gov/Publications/e071218496_Engaging-Police-in-Immigrant-Comm_v5_19OCT12.pdf Shelf Number: 126910 Keywords: Community PolicingImmigrant CommunitiesImmigrants (U.S.)Minority Groups |
Author: Thiara, Ravi K. Title: Vital Statistics 2 Key Findings Report on Black, Minority Ethnic and Refugee Women's and Children's Experiences of Gender-Based Violence Summary: The report provides key findings from Imkaan’s Toolkit; a monitoring framework piloted with ten violence against women and girls (VAWG) organisations over a 3 month period. The monitoring tool captured data on Black, Minority Ethnic and Refugee (BMER) women’s and children’s access to specialist BMER services and other voluntary and statutory services. The findings provide a picture of the role and impact of specialist BMER VAWG services, with the aim to contribute to more informed policy and practice on BMER women and girls in the context of VAWG. Note: The findings from the first Toolkit pilot, Vital Statistics: The experiences of Black, Asian, Minority Ethnic and Refugee women and children facing violence and abuse, were published in 2010. Details: London: Imkaan, 2012. 28p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed November 12, 2012 at http://dl.dropbox.com/u/85173313/Vital%20Statistics%20Two%202012%20%28Low%20res%29.pdf Year: 2012 Country: International URL: http://dl.dropbox.com/u/85173313/Vital%20Statistics%20Two%202012%20%28Low%20res%29.pdf Shelf Number: 126928 Keywords: Female VictimsGender-Based ViolenceJuvenile VictimsMinority Groups |
Author: European Union Agency for Fundamental Rights (FRA) Title: EU-MIDIS Data in Focus Report 6: Minorities as Victims of Crime Summary: The average rate of criminal victimisation for all groups surveyed in EU-MIDIS was 24 %, in other words every fourth person from a minority group said that they had been a victim of crime at least once in the 12 months preceding the survey. More ‘visible’ minority groups – that is, those who look visibly different to the majority population – report, on average, higher levels of victimisation in EU-MIDIS than immigrant or minority groups who look similar to the majority population. These results, however, mask significant differences depending on the EU Member State in which generic respondent groups, such as ‘Roma’ or ‘Sub-Saharan African’, live. On average, 18 % of all Roma and 18 % of all Sub-Saharan African respondents in the survey indicated that in the 12 months prior to the survey they had experienced at least one ‘in-person crime’ – that is, assault or threat, or serious harassment – which they considered as being ‘racially motivated’ in some way. In comparison, less than 10 % of other groups indicated that they considered they had been a victim of ‘racially motivated’ in-person crime. The survey asked respondents a series of questions about their experiences of criminal victimisation in relation to the following five crime types: •theft of or from a vehicle; •burglary or attempted burglary; •theft of personal property not involving force or threat; •assault or threat; •serious harassment. Given that many crimes are relatively rare events, EU‑MIDIS asked respondents about their experiences of crime in the last five years; this report, however, explores findings from the survey with respect to people’s experiences in the 12 months preceding the survey interview. The analysis of results and recommendations are thus based on more up‑to‑date information. Follow‑up questions focused on how often interviewees had experienced assaults or threats and serious harassment in the last 12 months. These results showed whether certain groups were more prone to repeat victimisation. The survey questions also asked interviewees whether they considered their experiences of victimisation to be motivated in any way by their ethnic minority or immigrant background. Details: Vienna, Austria: FRA, 2012. 20p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed December 10, 2012 at: http://fra.europa.eu/sites/default/files/fra-2012-eu-midis-dif6_0.pdf Year: 2012 Country: Europe URL: http://fra.europa.eu/sites/default/files/fra-2012-eu-midis-dif6_0.pdf Shelf Number: 127206 Keywords: Hate CrimesMinority GroupsRacial Discrimination (Europe)VictimizationVictims of Crimes |
Author: Allard, Troy Title: Targeting Crime Prevention: Identifying communities which generate chronic and costly offenders to reduce offending, crime, victimisation and Indigenous over-representation in the criminal justice system Summary: Indigenous over-representation is the most significant social justice and public policy issue within the Australian criminal justice system. Despite the existence of justice agreements and plans in every jurisdiction over the past decade, the gap has continued to widen in every jurisdiction. Indigenous people aged 10 and over were between 5.6 and 8.4 times more likely than non-Indigenous people to be arrested during 2009-2010. Indigenous youth were 13.4 times more likely than non-Indigenous youth to be under community supervision and 23.9 times more likely to be in youth detention during 2009-2010. Indigenous adults were 14.3 times more likely than non-Indigenous adults to be incarcerated during 2011. Two national policy initiatives are driving attempts to reduce Indigenous disadvantage, including Indigenous over-representation in the criminal justice system. The Closing the Gap strategy recognises the need for a long-term approach to reduce Indigenous disadvantage. The strategy aims to achieve simultaneous improvements in seven areas of life: early childhood, schooling, health, economic participation, healthy homes, safe communities and governance and leadership. The National Indigenous Law & Justice Framework aims to create safer Indigenous communities. One of the main mechanisms proposed to reduce Indigenous over-representation as offenders in the criminal justice system is through the use of effective and targeted crime prevention programs. Unfortunately little publically available information exists regarding how programs might be targeted to reduce offending by Indigenous peoples. Details: Report to the Criminology Research Advisory Council, 2012. 69p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed February 11, 2013 at: Year: 2012 Country: Australia URL: Shelf Number: 127583 Keywords: AboriginalsChronic OffendersCommunities and CrimeCosts of CrimeCrime Prevention (Australia)Indigenous PeoplesMinority Groups |
Author: Mauer, Marc Title: The Changing Racial Dynamics of Women’s Incarceration Summary: In the first decade of the 21st century the United States began to experience a shift in the 30-year buildup to a world record prison system. Although the decade ended with an increased number of people in prison, the rate of growth overall was considerably below that of previous decades and since 2008 the overall number of people in state prisons has declined slightly each year. Scholars are beginning to analyze the relative contributions of changes in crime rates, criminal justice policies, economics, and demographics to the slowing growth rate of the prison system, but one area that has gone largely unexplored is the impact of such changes on racial disparities in imprisonment. As is well known, black/white disparities in the use of incarceration have been profound for quite some time. Since the 1980s a series of analyses have documented these trends at the national level as well as examining variation in disparity among the states. As prison populations fluctuate, though, the relative rate of incarceration among racial groups may or may not reflect prevailing patterns. Further, as the prospect of a declining prison population has now become a distinct possibility for the next decade, it will become increasingly important to monitor whether reduced incarceration is experienced in similar ways across racial/ethnic groups. This report first describes trends in incarceration for the first decade of the century, and contrasts this with patterns of the previous decade. We then assess the extent of change in the race and gender dynamics of incarceration over the past decade, and suggest factors which may be contributing to these trends. The data in this report document the following key findings: • Racial/ethnic disparities in U.S. incarceration remain substantial – In 2009, African Americans and Latinos constituted more than 60% of imprisoned offenders. African American males were incarcerated in state and federal prisons at 6.4 times the rate of non-Hispanic white males, and Hispanic males at 2.4 times the rate of non-Hispanic whites. • Declining rate of incarceration for African Americans – From 2000 to 2009 the rate of incarceration in state and federal prisons declined 9.8% for black men and 30.7% for black women. • Rates of incarceration for whites and Latinos generally rising – Incarceration rates for white men and women rose 8.5% and 47.1%, respectively from 2000 to 2009. For Hispanics the men’s rate declined by 2.2% while the women’s rate rose by 23.3%. • Dramatic shift in racial disparities among women – In 2000 black women were incarcerated in state and federal prisons at six times the rate of white women. By 2009 that ratio had declined by 53%, to 2.8:1. This shift was a result of both declining incarceration of African American women and rising incarceration of white women. The disparity between Hispanic and non- Hispanic white women declined by 16.7% during this period. Similar trends can be seen among men, but at a lesser scale, with a decline of 16.9% in the black/white incarceration ratio over the decade. The disparity between Hispanic and non-Hispanic white men declined by 11.1%. Details: Washington, DC: The Sentencing Project, 2013. 26p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed March 5, 2013 at: http://sentencingproject.org/doc/publications/rd_Changing%20Racial%20Dynamics%202013.pdf Year: 2013 Country: United States URL: http://sentencingproject.org/doc/publications/rd_Changing%20Racial%20Dynamics%202013.pdf Shelf Number: 127843 Keywords: Female InmatesFemale Offenders (U.S.)Female PrisonersMinority GroupsRacial DisparitiesSentencing Disparities |
Author: Huang, Larke Nahme Title: Promoting Positive Development and Preventing Youth Violence and High-Risk Behaviors in Asian American/Pacific Islander Communities: A Social Ecology Perspective Summary: Youth violence is both a community problem and a public health issue. In 1997 violence claimed the lives of more than 3,700 children under the age of 19, an average of 10 deaths per day (Thornton, Craft, Dahlberg, Lynch, & Baer, 2000). In our society, violence involving youth affects all communities. It is no longer a problem confined to large cities and impoverished communities; it is growing in suburban and rural communities, and across all socioeconomic and ethnic/racial groups. While it affects all communities, minority communities (communities of color) bear a disproportionate share of death, disability, and violence-related social disintegration (Cohen & Lang, 1991). The decade from 1983 to 1993 marked an epidemic of violence throughout the country. It took a tremendous toll on young people, their families and communities. Since the peak of this epidemic, youth violence, as evidenced in arrest records, victimization data, and hospital emergency room records, has declined. However, the problem has not resolved as reflected by another indicator of violence—youth’s confidential reports about their violent behavior. These reports reveal no change since 1993 in the numbers of youth who have committed physically injurious and potentially lethal behaviors. Arrests for aggravated assault have declined only slightly and in 1999 remained nearly 70 percent higher than pre-epidemic levels (Brener et al., 1999). Youth violence is recognized as a public health concern. It contributes significantly to morbidity and mortality, and exacts an enormous toll on the health and well-being of our society and its health resource expenditures. A public health approach focuses more on prevention than rehabilitation. In contrast to a criminal offender or medical model, this approach looks at youth violence as a multidetermined behavior, involving numerous antecedents and risk factors. No single etiology can explain this phenomenon. Rather, a combination of social, cultural, environmental, and individual factors contribute to the incidence of youth violence (American Psychological Association, 1993; Children’s Defense Fund, 1999). Thus, this model calls for a practical, goaloriented, community-based strategy for promoting and maintaining the health of a population. The objective of this paper is to examine models of youth violence prevention and the applicability of these models to Asian American Pacific Islander (AAPI) youth and their communities. The increase in youth violence, the alarm stimulated by tragic school-based acts of violence, and the attention of the U.S. Congress have resulted in the establishment of numerous violence prevention programs. While some of these programs and federal initiatives have focused on ethnic minority youth, most have targeted African American or Latino communities (Wilson-Brewer & Jacklin, 1991). Few programs have addressed AAPI youth. Details: Washington, DC: Georgetown University Center for Child and Human Development; Denver, CO: National Asian American/Pacific Islander Mental Health Association, 2004. 94p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed March 5, 2013 at: http://www.aapcho.org/wp/wp-content/uploads/2005/06/AAPI.perspectives.P2_Huang_Ida.pdf Year: 2004 Country: United States URL: http://www.aapcho.org/wp/wp-content/uploads/2005/06/AAPI.perspectives.P2_Huang_Ida.pdf Shelf Number: 127850 Keywords: Delinquency PreventionMinority GroupsYouth Violence (U.S.) |
Author: Bernhardt, Rebecca Title: Harris County Communities: A Call for True Collaboration Restoring Community Trust and Improving Public Safety Summary: This report addresses the negative impact of the Harris County criminal justice system on black and brown communites. The data and analysis in this report paint a picture of Harris County that reveals some disturbing truths. First, Harris County’s criminal justice system is committed to policies that racially target blacks and Hispanics. Second, these policies cannot be justified by public safety goals; on the contrary, they harm public safety. These harms reinforce negative stereotypes of minorities and negative attitudes toward police in these same communities. There is a lot of pain and frustration resulting from racially targeted criminal justice policies in Harris County. In this shared outrage, there is also an opportunity for the black and Hispanic communities of Harris County to build stronger bonds and work together to make positive changes in local government and law enforcement – with county-wide benefits. Details: Austin, TX: Texas Criminal Justice Coalition, 2013. 36p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed March 14, 2013 at: http://www.texascjc.org/sites/default/files/uploads/Harris%20County%20Communities%20A%20Call%20for%20True%20Collaboration.pdf Year: 2013 Country: United States URL: http://www.texascjc.org/sites/default/files/uploads/Harris%20County%20Communities%20A%20Call%20for%20True%20Collaboration.pdf Shelf Number: 127940 Keywords: Criminal Justice ReformCriminal Justice Systems (Texas, U.S.)DiscriminationMinority GroupsRacial Disparities |
Author: West, Carolyn M. Title: Sexual Violence in the Lives of African American Women Summary: According to the 2010 U.S. Census, 13.6% (42 million) of the population self-identified as Black or African American1 (Rastogi, Johnson, Hoeffel, & Drewery, 2011). African Americans reported substantial rates of criminal victimization, including domestic violence, assault, and robbery (Truman & Planty, 2012). Furthermore, Black women’s sexual victimization has occurred in a unique sociohistorical context. Accordingly, in the first section we will provide a historical overview. Next, we will discuss the characteristics of Black rape survivors2 and the environment in which their assaults occurred. In addition, we will identify risk factors that elevate Black women’s vulnerability to rape and review the physical and mental health problems that are associated with their victimization. To conclude, we will offer culturally sensitive techniques that can be used by professionals and highlight the resilience of African American survivors. Details: Harrisburg, PA: National Resource Center on Domestic Violence, 2012. 14p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed April 2, 2013 at: http://www.vawnet.org/Assoc_Files_VAWnet/AR_SVAAWomenRevised.pdf Year: 2012 Country: United States URL: http://www.vawnet.org/Assoc_Files_VAWnet/AR_SVAAWomenRevised.pdf Shelf Number: 128196 Keywords: African American WomenMinority GroupsRapeSexual AssaultSexual Violence (U.S.) |
Author: Beckett, Katherine Title: Race and the Enforcement of Drug Delivery Laws in Seattle Summary: Between 1980 and 2002, the number of people incarcerated in the United States grew from approximately 500,000 to over 2 million. This trend has sharply and disproportionately affected racial and ethnic minorities: over 60% of today’s inmates are black and/or Latino (Sentencing Project, n.d). Many analysts have suggested that the policies and practices associated with the war on drugs are an important cause of the expansion of the prison and jail populations, as well as the increasingly disproportionate representation of minorities in them (Blumstein 1993; Duster 1997; Tonry 1995). Recent data confirms this conjecture: approximately 30% of U.S. inmates are drug offenders, and over 90% of those admitted to prison for drug offenses are black or Latino (Sentencing Project n.d.). Theoretically, the dramatic impact of the war on drugs on the black and Latino communities may be a consequence of higher rates of drug law violations within those groups, selective enforcement of drug laws, and/or post-arrest practices and policies. Some studies have found that black drug defendants are treated more harshly than white drug defendants once in the justice system (Blumstein 1993; Goode 2002; Spohn 2000; Austin & Allen 2000). In Seattle, however, there is evidence that the differential impact of the war on drugs on black and Latino communities is not a consequence of differential treatment after arrest. It appears, therefore, that comparatively high rates of incarceration among blacks resident to the Seattle area stem from higher rates of offense behavior and/or the selective enforcement of drug laws (Minority & Justice Commission Report 1999). This report analyzes a wide range of data sources pertaining to drug delivery in order to identify the extent to which selective/discriminatory law enforcement contributes to high rates of incarceration for drug delivery among blacks. Doing so requires estimating the racial composition of Seattle’s drug-delivering population. This estimate can then be compared with arrest statistics to determine whether or not blacks are over-represented among those arrested for narcotics delivery (or possession with intent to deliver narcotics) given the estimated composition of those who deliver drugs in Seattle. At the same time, this report assesses whether whites are under-represented among drug delivery arrestees in Seattle given the frequency with which they engage in behaviors that meet the legal definition of that crime. Details: Seattle, WA: Department of Sociology and Law, Societies & Justice Program, 2003. 78p. University of Washington,, 2003. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed April 5, 2013 at: http://www.kcba.org/druglaw/pdf/beckettstudy.pdf Year: 2003 Country: United States URL: http://www.kcba.org/druglaw/pdf/beckettstudy.pdf Shelf Number: 128288 Keywords: Drug EnforcementDrug Offenders (Seattle, Washington)Minority GroupsMinority Over-representationRacial DisparitiesWar on Drugs |
Author: The Muslim American Civil Liberties Coalition (MACLC), The Creating Law Enforcement Accountability & Responsibility (CLEAR), The Asian American Legal Defense and Education Fund (AALDEF), Title: Mapping Muslims: NYPD Spying and its Impact on American Muslims Summary: Since 2001, the New York City Police Department (NYPD) has established a secret surveillance program that has mapped, monitored and analyzed American Muslim daily life throughout New York City, and even its surrounding states. In 2011, the unveiling of this program by the Associated Press (AP) and other journalists1 who had obtained leaked internal NYPD documents led to an outcry from public officials, civil rights activists, American Muslim religious leaders, and members of the public. Protesters and advocates held that such racial and religious profiling was not only an example of ineffective policing and wasteful spending of taxpayer dollars, but it also marginalized and criminalized a broad segment of American Muslims. Almost a year later, in August 2012, the Chief of the NYPD Intelligence Division, Lt. Paul Galati admitted during sworn testimony that in the six years of his tenure, the unit tasked with monitoring American Muslim life had not yielded a single criminal lead.2 Proponents of the sprawling surveillance enterprise have argued that, regardless of its inefficacy, mere spying on a community is harmless because it is clandestine and that those who are targeted should have nothing to fear, if they have nothing to hide. Our findings, based on an unprecedented number of candid interviews with American Muslim community members, paint a radically different picture. We have found that surveillance of Muslims’ quotidian activities has created a pervasive climate of fear and suspicion, encroaching upon every aspect of individual and community life. Surveillance has chilled constitutionally protected rights—curtailing religious practice, censoring speech and stunting political organizing. Every one of our interviewees noted that they were negatively affected by surveillance in some way - whether it was by reducing their political or religious expression, altering the way they exercised those rights (through clarifications, precautions, or avoiding certain interlocutors), or in experiencing social and familial pressures to reduce their activism. Additionally, surveillance has severed the trust that should exist between the police department and the communities it is charged with protecting. Section One of the findings highlights the impact of NYPD surveillance on religious life and expression. Interviewees felt that the NYPD’s spotlight on American Muslims’ practice of their faith, their degree of religiosity and their places of worship disrupted and suppressed their ability to practice freely. Many also indicated that within heterogeneous Muslim communities, this has resulted in the suppression of certain practices of Islam more than others. Interviews also highlighted the atmosphere of tension, mistrust and suspicion that permeates Muslim religious places – which the NYPD has infiltrated with informants and undercover agents, deeming them “hot spots.” These law enforcement policies have deeply affected the way Muslim faith is experienced and practiced in New York City. Section Two documents how NYPD surveillance has chilled American Muslims’ freedom of speech. Interviewees noted a striking self-censorship of political speech and activism. Conversations relating to foreign policy, civil rights and activism are all deemed off-limits as interviewees fear such conversations would draw greater NYPD scrutiny. This same fear has deterred mobilization around Muslim civil rights issues, and quelled demands for law enforcement accountability. Parents discourage their children from being active in Muslim student groups, protests, or other activism, believing that these activities would threaten to expose them to government scrutiny. Surveillance has also led to a qualitative shift in the way individuals joke, the types of metaphors they use, and even the sort of coffee house chatter in which they engage. Since 2001, the New York City Police Department (NYPD) has established a secret surveillance program that has mapped, monitored and analyzed American Muslim daily life throughout New York City, and even its surrounding states. In 2011, the unveiling of this program by the Associated Press (AP) and other journalists1 who had obtained leaked internal NYPD documents led to an outcry from public officials, civil rights activists, American Muslim religious leaders, and members of the public. Protesters and advocates held that such racial and religious profiling was not only an example of ineffective policing and wasteful spending of taxpayer dollars, but it also marginalized and criminalized a broad segment of American Muslims. Almost a year later, in August 2012, the Chief of the NYPD Intelligence Division, Lt. Paul Galati admitted during sworn testimony that in the six years of his tenure, the unit tasked with monitoring American Muslim life had not yielded a single criminal lead.2 Proponents of the sprawling surveillance enterprise have argued that, regardless of its inefficacy, mere spying on a community is harmless because it is clandestine and that those who are targeted should have nothing to fear, if they have nothing to hide. Our findings, based on an unprecedented number of candid interviews with American Muslim community members, paint a radically different picture. We have found that surveillance of Muslims’ quotidian activities has created a pervasive climate of fear and suspicion, encroaching upon every aspect of individual and community life. Surveillance has chilled constitutionally protected rights—curtailing religious practice, censoring speech and stunting political organizing. Every one of our interviewees noted that they were negatively affected by surveillance in some way - whether it was by reducing their political or religious expression, altering the way they exercised those rights (through clarifications, precautions, or avoiding certain interlocutors), or in experiencing social and familial pressures to reduce their activism. Additionally, surveillance has severed the trust that should exist between the police department and the communities it is charged with protecting. Section One of the findings highlights the impact of NYPD surveillance on religious life and expression. Interviewees felt that the NYPD’s spotlight on American Muslims’ practice of their faith, their degree of religiosity and their places of worship disrupted and suppressed their ability to practice freely. Many also indicated that within heterogeneous Muslim communities, this has resulted in the suppression of certain practices of Islam more than others. Interviews also highlighted the atmosphere of tension, mistrust and suspicion that permeates Muslim religious places – which the NYPD has infiltrated with informants and undercover agents, deeming them “hot spots.” These law enforcement policies have deeply affected the way Muslim faith is experienced and practiced in New York City. Section Two documents how NYPD surveillance has chilled American Muslims’ freedom of speech. Interviewees noted a striking self-censorship of political speech and activism. Conversations relating to foreign policy, civil rights and activism are all deemed off-limits as interviewees fear such conversations would draw greater NYPD scrutiny. This same fear has deterred mobilization around Muslim civil rights issues, and quelled demands for law enforcement accountability. Parents discourage their children from being active in Muslim student groups, protests, or other activism, believing that these activities would threaten to expose them to government scrutiny. Surveillance has also led to a qualitative shift in the way individuals joke, the types of metaphors they use, and even the sort of coffee house chatter in which they engage. transparency, and accountability when it comes to the NYPD has never been greater. Details: New York: The Muslim American Civil Liberties Coalition (MACLC), The Creating Law Enforcement Accountability & Responsibility (CLEAR), The Asian American Legal Defense and Education Fund (AALDEF), 2013. 56p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed April 9, 2013 at: http://www.law.cuny.edu/academics/clinics/immigration/clear/Mapping-Muslims.pdf Year: 2013 Country: United States URL: http://www.law.cuny.edu/academics/clinics/immigration/clear/Mapping-Muslims.pdf Shelf Number: 128325 Keywords: American Muslims (New York City, U.S.)Civil RightsMinority GroupsRacial Profiling in Law EnforcementSurveillance |
Author: European Monitoring Centre for Drugs and Drugs Addiction (EMCDDA) Title: Drug Prevention Interventions Targeting Minority Ethnic Populations: Issues Raised by 33 Case Studies Summary: This Thematic paper contains the results of a study that examined drug prevention interventions for minority ethnic populations in 29 European countries. A total of 33 interventions were reported to the study and the issues they raise are presented and discussed in the paper. The results will inform the EMCDDA’s plans for 2013–15 in terms of monitoring drug prevention interventions particularly in three areas: data collection, design and quality, and the dissemination of knowledge. Details: Lisbon: EMCDDA, 2013. 115p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed May 3, 2013 at: http://www.emcdda.europa.eu/attachements.cfm/att_197631_EN_TDXA13001ENN.pdf Year: 2013 Country: Europe URL: http://www.emcdda.europa.eu/attachements.cfm/att_197631_EN_TDXA13001ENN.pdf Shelf Number: 128611 Keywords: Drug Abuse and AddictionDrug Abuse PreventionDrug Abuse TreatmentDrug Policy (Europe)Minority GroupsSubstance Abuse Treatment |
Author: Asian Centre for Human Rights Title: The Brus of Mizoram: Unequal, Unwanted and Unwelcome. A fact finding report on exodus of the Brus in November 2009 Summary: From 13 to 17 November 2009, about 500 houses in 11 villages belonging to the indigenous Bru minorities, also known as Reangs, were burnt down by persons whom the officials of the State government of Mizoram termed as “miscreants” and “anti-social elements”. The attacks were carried out in retaliation of the murder of a Mizo youth identified as Mr Zarzokima (17 years) in the morning of 13 November 2009 by alleged Bru Revolutionary Union (BRU) cadres at Bungthuam village under Lokicherra police station in Mamit district. On 20 November 2009, the Asian Centre for Human Rights (ACHR) condemned the violence against the minority Brus. On 22 November 2009, Mizoram Home Minister Mr R Lalzirliana called a press conference to refute the allegations of ACHR and stated that “ACHR representatives are most welcome to come to Mizoram and see the facts and ground realities by themselves.” On 1st December 2009, the State of Mizoram accepted the proposal of ACHR to allow its team to visit Mizoram and agreed to provide adequate security. The Terms of Reference of the Fact Finding Team are the following: 1. Investigate the causes of the displacement of the Brus in November 2009; 2. Examine the scale of destruction/damages/properties lost since November 2009; 3. Examine the scale of displacement and efforts of relief and rehabilitation of those displaced in November 2009; 4. Examine the responsibility of the State (government) to protect and discharge constitutional responsibilities; 5. Examine the efforts of resolving the Bru crisis since 1997; 6. Examine the respect for the directions of the judicial and quasi-judicial bodies; and 7. Provide the findings along with appropriate recommendations. Details: New Delhi: Asian Centre for Human Rights, 2010. 54p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed May 6, 2013 at: http://www.achrweb.org/reports/india/BRUS2010.pdf Year: 2010 Country: India URL: http://www.achrweb.org/reports/india/BRUS2010.pdf Shelf Number: 128669 Keywords: Human Rights Abuses (India)Indigenous PeoplesMinority GroupsRacial Violence |
Author: Rodriguez, Nancy Title: An Impact Evaluation of Three Strategies Created to Reduce Disproportionate Minority Contact and the Detention Population Summary: The goal of this project was to examine the effectiveness of three distinct strategies (revision of a detention index, a procedural change in review of detention decisions, and a monitoring system of detained youth) created by Maricopa County Juvenile Probation to reduce disproportionate minority contact (DMC) and the number of youth subject to detention in the County. The study objectives include the examination of: 1) the overall number of detentions among youth brought to detention on a referral, especially minority youth; 2) the effect of race and ethnicity in detention outcome and subsequent stages of processing; 3) the length in detention stays among all youth; and 4) the decision-making processes of system actors directly involved with the processing of youth in the justice system, specifically detention and probation staff. Details: Final report to the U.S. Department of Justice, 2013. 42p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed May 13, 2013 at: https://www.ncjrs.gov/pdffiles1/ojjdp/grants/241506.pdf Year: 2013 Country: United States URL: https://www.ncjrs.gov/pdffiles1/ojjdp/grants/241506.pdf Shelf Number: 128698 Keywords: DiscriminationDisproportionate Minority Contact (U.S.)Juvenile DetentionJuvenile JusticeMinority Groups |
Author: Veen, Violaine Title: Risk Profiles of Youth in Pre-Trial Detention: A comparative study of Moroccan and Dutch male adolescents in the Netherlands Summary: Moroccan male adolescents in the Netherlands are highly overrepresented in youth crime, compared to both native Dutch and other ethnic minority groups. The current thesis has been the first to examine the characteristics of Moroccan adolescent offenders in the Netherlands in relation to various environmental and individual risk factors, using quantitative data from both an offender population and from the general population. The objective of the present study was a) to identify the risk profile of Moroccan youth offenders in pre-trail detention, b) to compare this risk profile with that of native Dutch adolescents in pre-trail detention, and c) to draw intra-ethnic comparisons of various risk factors by using comparison samples from the respective general populations. Participants in this study were 299 boys aged 12-18 years, placed in pre-trial detention in 10 juvenile justice institutions in the Netherlands. From all incarcerated boys, 141 were of Moroccan origin and 158 were native Dutch. Of the participants, 168 parents participated in the study. Overall, a less problematic profile was found for Moroccan adolescents in pre-trial detention than for native Dutch adolescents in pre-trial detention. First, analysis of police record data showed that the offending behavior of Moroccan adolescents in pre-trial detention was characterized by relatively less serious delinquent acts (i.e., property-based offences) compared to native Dutch. Second, individual risk factors such as mental health problems and psychopathic traits, were found to be less prevalent among Moroccan adolescents in pre-trial detention than among native Dutch. Third, less control and less affection expression characterized the mother-son relationship in Moroccan families in general. Finally, the level of orientation towards Dutch society was higher for Moroccan adolescents in pre-trial detention than for Moroccan adolescents from the general population. In sum, the risk profile of Moroccan youths in pre-trial detention was found to be less problematic compared to the risk profile of incarcerated native Dutch, and incarcerated Moroccans were found to be more orientated towards the Dutch society than their Moroccan peers in the general population. The characteristics of Moroccan boys are indicative of various theoretical explanations for their overrepresentation in crime. First, being strongly oriented towards the Dutch society may make Moroccan youths more likely to use natives as a basis of social comparison, and therefore may make them more prone to experience frustration regarding their unfavorable socio-economic and socio-cultural position in the Netherlands. As a consequence, Moroccan immigrant youths may be more likely to engage in criminal activities. Second, a lack of social control exerted by for instance school and mothers in Moroccan families, is thought to contribute to problem behavior in Moroccan boys. Third, there are indications that discriminatory processes in the juvenile justice system may to some extent account for their overrepresentation in youth crime, and our findings on the relatively less problematic risk profiles of Moroccan boys are in line with these indications. Support is warranted for Moroccan boys, for example by creating more educational opportunities and better chances on the labor market and by helping Moroccan families accessing mental health services. Details: Utrecht: Utrecht University, 2011. 170p. Source: Internet Resource: Dissertation: Accessed June 26, 2013 at: http://igitur-archive.library.uu.nl/dissertations/2011-0819-200943/UUindex.html Year: 2011 Country: Netherlands URL: http://igitur-archive.library.uu.nl/dissertations/2011-0819-200943/UUindex.html Shelf Number: 129187 Keywords: AdolescentsJuvenile DetentionJuvenile Offenders (Netherlands)Minority GroupsPre-Trial DetentionRisk AssessmentSocioeconomic Status |
Author: Idaho Statistical Analysis Center Title: American Indian Crime in Idaho: Victims, Offenders, and Arrestees Summary: American Indians have the highest victimization rates of all racial/ethnic groups in the United States (Perry, 2004). Despite the unusual disparity in the vulnerability to violent victimization, the pervasiveness of American Indian crime is rarely reported or acknowledged. The focus of this report is on the prevalence, nature, and consequences of crime in Idaho involving American Indians as victims and offenders. A variety of resources were used to conduct this research. Information for crimes reported to the police comes from Idaho’s incident-based data for the years 2005-2011, the FBI’s Uniform Crime Reports for 2010, and crime data reported by tribal police for the years 2004-2009. Data also comes from a 2008 victimization survey conducted in Idaho. The findings reveal the existing disparity of the victimization and criminal activity of American Indians compared to all racial groups. Details: Meridian, ID: Idaho Statistical Analysis Center, Planning, Grants, & Research, Idaho State Police, 2013. 20p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed July 16, 2013 at: http://www.isp.idaho.gov/pgr/inc/documents/AmericanIndianCrimeinIdahofinal.pdf Year: 2013 Country: United States URL: http://www.isp.idaho.gov/pgr/inc/documents/AmericanIndianCrimeinIdahofinal.pdf Shelf Number: 129406 Keywords: Crime Rates (Idaho, U.S.)Criminal StatisticsIndians of North AmericaMinority GroupsVictimization |
Author: Hickert, Audrey O. Title: Disproportionate Minority Contact (DMC): Arrest/Referral Assessment Summary: In 1988, 1992, and 2002, Congress amended the Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention (JJDP) Act of 1974 to establish and increase requirements that states address disproportionate minority contact (DMC) in their juvenile justice systems (OJJDP, 2009). To help states identify and address their DMC issues the Department of Justice (DOJ) developed a five phase model of “ongoing DMC reduction activities”: 1. Identification 2. Assessment/Diagnosis 3. Intervention 4. Evaluation/Performance Measurement 5. Monitoring As part of the first step, Identification, the Utah Board of Juvenile Justice (UBJJ) DMC Subcommittee has examined the relative rate index (RRI) for Minority youths’ contact with each point of contact in the Utah juvenile justice system from arrest through transfers to adult court (RRI = Minority youth rate of contact/White youth rate of contact). This examination has uncovered a multi-year trend of disproportionately higher arrest and referral to juvenile court for Minority youth. Because of this identified trend, the UBJJ DMC Subcommittee requested that the Utah Criminal Justice Center (UCJC) conduct this assessment of DMC Arrest/Referral in Cache, Weber, Salt Lake, and Utah counties as part of the second step, Assessment/Diagnosis. The purpose of this study is to conduct an assessment of local jurisdictions to identify potential explanations for why disproportionate minority contact (DMC) occurs among juveniles at the point of arrest and referral by law enforcement for follow-up data analyses and to explore possible solutions to address the disparity. This study was comprised of two phases: 1) interviews with local Law Enforcement Agencies (LEAs) to identify potential explanations for why DMC occurs among juveniles at the point of arrest/referral and identify potential data sources to confirm or disprove those hypotheses, 2) collection of de-identified data from each of the LEAs to examine DMC issues/explanations proposed in Phase 1. Details: Salt Lake City: University of Utah, Utah Criminal Justice Center, 2012. 84p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed August 5, 2013 at: http://ucjc.utah.edu/wp-content/uploads/DMC-Arrest_FinalReport_v101812.pdf Year: 2012 Country: United States URL: http://ucjc.utah.edu/wp-content/uploads/DMC-Arrest_FinalReport_v101812.pdf Shelf Number: 129527 Keywords: DiscriminationDisproportionate Minority ContactJuvenile Offenders (Utah, U.S.)Minority Groups |
Author: Hickert, Audrey O. Title: Disproportionate Minority Contact (DMC) Diversion Assessment: Fiscal Year 2009 Juvenile Court Referrals Summary: The Utah Criminal Justice Center (UCJC) has assisted the Utah Board of Juvenile Justice’s (UBJJ) Disproportionate Minority Contact (DMC) Advisory Committee with calculating the DMC Relative Rate Index (RRI) since Fiscal Year (FY) 2003. The RRI has consistently shown DMC at the point of diversion in the juvenile justice system. Minority youth have a lower rate of diversion than White youth after being referred to juvenile court. Because of this ongoing disparity, the UBJJ DMC Advisory Committee asked UCJC to study the factors that may influence the disproportionately lower rate of diversion for minority youth. This assessment seeks to answer the following questions: 1. What are diversion criteria? 2. How many episodes meet diversion criteria? 3. How many of diversion-qualified episodes are diverted by RRI categories? How many of diversion-qualified episodes are not diverted by RRI categories? 4. How do those that are not diverted differ from those that are? a. By delinquency history b. By presenting offense severity & type c. By risk (pending availability of PSRA & PRA on this group) d. Stratified by age 5. What is the failure rate of diverted/not-diverted (but qualified) episodes by RRI categories? a. Failure rate = diverted cases turned to petitioned (pending availability of data) b. Failure rate = any new referral within 12 months of diversion. This assessment was comprised of two main research tasks: 1) the compilation of diversion policy and practices, and 2) the analysis of juvenile court CARE data to examine diversion rates in relation to diversion policies and practices, youth and case factors, and minority status. Details: Salt Lake City: University of Utah, Utah Criminal Justice Center, 2011. 24p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed August 5, 2013 at: http://ucjc.utah.edu/wp-content/uploads/DMC_Diversion_082311.pdf Year: 2011 Country: United States URL: http://ucjc.utah.edu/wp-content/uploads/DMC_Diversion_082311.pdf Shelf Number: 129528 Keywords: Disproportionate Minority ContactJuvenile CourtJuvenile DiversionJuvenile Offenders (Utah, U.S.)Minority Groups |
Author: Soto, Danielle A. Title: Hispanic Youth & Delinquency: A Longitudinal Examination of Generational Status, Family Processes, & Neighborhood Context Summary: Current examinations of racial/ethnic differences in delinquency largely treat Hispanics as a monolithic group, with little attention given to differences among Hispanic subgroups. Given that Hispanics are the largest and fastest-growing minority group in the United States, and are also the largest immigrant group in the country, examinations of generational status and delinquency appear rather neglected. Informed by segmented assimilation theory and strain theory, the current study uses the National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent Health data to examine racial/ethnic differences in delinquent and violent offending, with particular attention paid to generational status. A subsample consisting solely of Hispanics is also examined in order to further explore differences among Hispanic groups based on generational status. Initial results show that Hispanics do indeed report higher levels of involvement in both delinquency and violence, but further investigation shows that this is almost entirely driven by the second and third generations, with first-generation Hispanics reporting scores either statistically similar to those of whites, or scores significantly lower than those of whites. Family functioning and processes and neighborhood context are both explored as possible mediators of this relationship between Hispanic ethnicity and offending. The current study finds that while neighborhood context does not appear to explain the gaps in offending between whites and Hispanic generational groups (or between Hispanic generational groups themselves), these measures do help to explain offending overall. Family processes, on the other hand, explain a significant proportion of these gaps in offending. Furthermore, these factors, especially permissive parenting and family integration, help to explain much of the effect of gang membership on offending, a factor previously identified as particularly salient in explaining Hispanic offending. Another important finding is that the effect of being bilingual, hypothesized as a potential protective factor by segmented assimilation theory, depends on age. Initial cross-sectional examinations of the effects of being bilingual on offending do show a protective effect, but later longitudinal analyses reveal that while this is the case in adolescence and the teen years, once respondents enter their early 20s, being bilingual is associated with increases in offending. Details: Bowling Green, OH: Bowling Green State University, 2010. 263p. Source: Internet Resource: Dissertation: Accessed August 6, 2013 at: https://etd.ohiolink.edu/ap:10:0::NO:10:P10_ACCESSION_NUM:bgsu1277325919 Year: 2010 Country: United States URL: https://etd.ohiolink.edu/ap:10:0::NO:10:P10_ACCESSION_NUM:bgsu1277325919 Shelf Number: 129559 Keywords: Hispanic AmericansJuvenile OffendersMinority GroupsNeighborhoods and Crime |
Author: Stathopoulos, Mary Title: Sexual Revictimisation: Individual, interpersonal and contextual factors Summary: There is a complex array of variables related to sexual revictimisation. Although prevalence is difficult to ascertain, several studies relate that people who have been sexually abused as children are two to three times more likely to be sexually revictimised in adolescence and/or adulthood. Much of the literature on sexual revictimisation focuses on the individual risk factors for the victim/survivor - their risk perception and emotional dysregulation resulting from initial sexual victimization - and how these create vulnerability for sexual revictimisation. Broader contextual factors beyond the victim/survivor, however, are often ignored. These contextual factors are explored here with a particular emphasis on minority groups, such as people with a disability; gay, lesbian and bisexual people; and Indigenous people. This focus demonstrates that individual risk factors often do not account for how perpetrators may target vulnerable people who have previously been victimised, how community and organizational attitudes and norms may support sexual revictimisation, and how broader social norms create vulnerability for certain groups. A focus on these broader contextual factors helps to inform prevention strategies. Details: Melbourne: Australian Centre for the Study of Sexual Assault, 2014. 15p. Source: Internet Resource: Research Summary: Accessed May 14, 2014 at: http://apo.org.au/files/Resource/acssa_sexualrevictimisationindividualinterpersonalandcontextualfactors_may_2014.pdf Year: 2014 Country: Australia URL: http://apo.org.au/files/Resource/acssa_sexualrevictimisationindividualinterpersonalandcontextualfactors_may_2014.pdf Shelf Number: 132347 Keywords: Child Sexual AbuseIntimate Partner ViolenceMinority GroupsRapeRepeat Victimization (Australia)Sexual AbuseSexual AssaultSexual Violence |
Author: Harvey, Shannon Title: Barriers Faced by Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual and Transgender People in Accessing Domestic Abuse, Stalking and Harassment, and Sexual Violence Services Summary: In 2012, the Welsh Government began consultation on legislation to end violence against women, domestic abuse and sexual violence. Stakeholders, in early White Paper consultations, suggested that lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender (LGBT) people may experience specific barriers when seeking support (Faraz Bhula, 2012). Alongside the development of Wales' men's domestic abuse service, some research has been conducted around gay and bisexual men's experiences of domestic abuse. However, LGBT people remain under-represented in referrals to the All Wales Domestic Abuse & Sexual Violence Helpline and Multi-Agency Risk Assessment Conferences (MARACs) across Wales, despite evidence suggesting that they experience domestic and sexual abuse at similar rates to heterosexual, cis women (Donovan et al, 2006; Henderson, 2003). Service provision in Wales and elsewhere in the UK has remained focused on the needs of heterosexual, cis women and knowledge of any differences in LGBT people's support needs is limited. Seeking to further develop policy-making and legislation in this area, the Welsh Government (2013) committed to identifying barriers faced by LGBT people in accessing domestic abuse, stalking and harassment, and sexual violence services. NatCen Social Research was commissioned in January 2014 to conduct this research. Details: Cardiff, Wales: Welsh Government Social Research, 2014. 80p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed June 17, 2014 at: http://wales.gov.uk/docs/caecd/research/2014/140604-barriers-faced-lgbt-accessing-domestic-abuse-services-en.pdf Year: 2014 Country: United Kingdom URL: http://wales.gov.uk/docs/caecd/research/2014/140604-barriers-faced-lgbt-accessing-domestic-abuse-services-en.pdf Shelf Number: 132489 Keywords: Bias-Motivated CrimesDiscriminationDomestic ViolenceGays, Crime AgainstGays, Lesbians and Bisexuals, Crime AgainstHate CrimesMinority GroupsSexual HarassmentSexual ViolenceStalkingVictim Services |
Author: Green, Alice P. Title: What Have We Done? Mass Incarceration and the Targeting of Albany's Black Males by Federal, State, and Local Authorities Summary: This is the third in a series of three reports released by the Center for Law and Justice in 2012. Two earlier reports described the alarming overrepresentation of minorities in the Capital Region criminal and juvenile justice systems. In this report, the Center documents the devastation wrought by recent arrest sweeps conducted in Albany minority communities by federal, state, and local authorities; as a result of the sweeps, scores of Albany's young African-American men have been sentenced to more than 600 years in prison for non-violent offenses. This additional punishment meted out to minorities for drug-related offenses upholds Albany County's dubious distinction as one of the most racially-disparate sentencing jurisdictions in the state. Section I of this report presents statistical data demonstrating the local impact of the "War on Drugs": the disproportionate representation of minorities among arrests, convictions, and sentences to state prison in Albany County. In one national study, Albany County ranked 5th in the nation in the ratio of African American to white drug admission rates. Although steps have recently been taken to reduce inequities in state and federal drug crime sentencing, law enforcement officials are now using a new tool to arrest and prosecute drug-related crimes alleged to have been committed by minorities: racketeering laws. Section II documents how young African-American men from Albany are now being subjected to additional years in prison, in some cases for committing no new crimes. Though law enforcement officials claimed to have been targeting serious offenses, many of Albany's black males were sentenced to serve a third of their young lives behind bars for merely having associated in one way or another --- either through a phone call, by enjoying similar music, by attending the same social function, or through some other seemingly innocuous connection --- with those suspected of criminal activity. Federal sweeps incarcerated 33 of Albany's young African-American males for a total of nearly 300 years, for non-violent crimes; a single state sweep sent 17 non-violent offenders, all minorities, to prison for a total of 317 years, for non-violent crimes. Section III provides historical context demonstrating that the mass incarceration of Albany's young black men is rooted in structural racism that perpetuates a racial caste system. Sustaining an era of the new Jim Crow, the "War on Drugs" launched in response to civil rights legislation in the 1960s replicates post-Civil War laws passed to discriminate against blacks in response to Reconstruction-era constitutional amendments. Just as the vast majority of those "hanged, shot and roasted alive" in nineteenth-century lynchings were not even charged with the crime (rape) for which the "sentence" was imposed, most imprisoned for hundreds of years as a result of twenty-first century Albany drug sweeps were sentenced not for the heinous crimes of murder, robbery, and assault trumpeted by investigators, but for non-violent convictions. Section IV describes the devastating individual and community consequences of mass incarceration. Section V explains that the enormous toll mass incarceration exacts on minority communities across the country can only be addressed through a two-pronged approach: a commitment by government entities to address the impact of mass incarceration, and a grass-roots social movement to educate and mobilize communities regarding "The New Jim Crow." Details: Albany, NY: Center for Law and Justice, 2012. 40p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed July 14, 2014 at: http://www.cflj.org/cflj/what-have-we-done.pdf Year: 2012 Country: United States URL: http://www.cflj.org/cflj/what-have-we-done.pdf Shelf Number: 129725 Keywords: Minority GroupsPrisonersRace/EthnicityRacial Disparities |
Author: Green, Alice P. Title: Pathway to Change: African Americans and Community Policing in Albany Summary: Steven Krokoff has been the Chief of Police in Albany, New York for three years. His selection was the first police chief appointment in history to require the approval of the city's governing body, the Albany Common Council. Krokoff's predecessor, James Tuffey, had retired abruptly after allegations that he had uttered a racial epithet; Tuffey's departure capped decades of racial tensions between the police department and the community it serves. An extensive search process that relied heavily on community input culminated in the recommendation that Krokoff, the acting chief of the department who had proclaimed his complete commitment to community policing during the selection process, be appointed to the position. This report examines the extent to which the community's expectations have been met thus far. This document follows three reports published by the Center for Law and Justice (CFLJ) in 2012, documenting the disparate effects of the criminal justice system on people of color in the Capital Region. Two of those reports describe the manner in which local minorities are arrested, detained, convicted and incarcerated in proportions far greater than their representation in the general population. The third report depicts the impact of the "war on drugs" in Albany, resulting in the sentencing of scores of Albany's young African-American men to more than 600 years in prison for non-violent offenses. This report examines the current relationship between the police department and African Americans in Albany. Though racial tensions between the police department and African Americans date back to World War II, most observers point to the 1984 police killing of Jesse Davis in his Arbor Hill home as the catalyst for calls for change in the department. Davis, an unarmed, mentally ill black man was shot several times by police, including once in the back and once in the top of the head. The police officers claimed they had to shoot Davis because he came at them with a knife in one hand and a fork in the other. Though a grand jury cleared the police of any wrongdoing, a police department photograph uncovered years later showed Davis' lifeless body clutching only a key case in one hand and a toy truck in the other. Despite the public outrage that followed this disclosure, racial incidents involving the police and citizens persisted throughout the 1990's and into the twenty-first century. Given their first opportunity to provide input into the selection of a police chief in 2010, community members demanded a chief dedicated to "true" community policing; the department had made a few false starts down the community policing road in previous years. This report examines the performance of the Albany Police Department under the leadership of Steven Krokoff in six key areas: community policing; transparency; public protection and law enforcement; cultural competency; leadership and communication; and political independence. CFLJ concludes that although much progress has been made and there is now a palpable path to a mutually-respectful police/community partnership in Albany, there remains much work ahead before community policing is an everyday reality for African Americans in the city. Recommendations are made for action by the police department, by the Albany Common Council, and by members of the community. Details: Albany, NY: Center for Law & Justice, 2013. 33p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed July 14, 2014 at: http://www.cflj.org/cflj/PathwaytoChange.pdf Year: 2013 Country: United States URL: http://www.cflj.org/cflj/PathwaytoChange.pdf Shelf Number: 132669 Keywords: African-AmericansCommunity PolicingMinority GroupsPolice-Citizen InteractionsPolice-Community RelationsRacial Disparities |
Author: Green, Alice P. Title: The Disproportionate Impact of the Criminal Justice System on People of Color in the Capital Region Summary: This report, the first in a series of three by the Center for Law and Justice examining the impact of federal, state and local criminal justice system practices on minorities in the Capital Region, details the overrepresentation of minorities among Capital Region arrests, convictions, and sentences to state prison. It further chronicles the devastating impact the criminal justice system has on minority individuals and communities, and makes recommendations for change. Section I of the report presents statistical data culled from state and local criminal justice agencies and the United States Census Bureau to demonstrate the disproportionate representation of minorities among arrests, convictions, and sentences to state prison in Albany, Rensselaer, and Schenectady counties. The percentage of Capital Region arrests and convictions that are minorities is twice their representation in the general population, and the percentage of minorities among prison sentences is as high as almost four times greater than their representation in the general population. Contrary to the sometimes asserted contention that this is due to a higher rate of commission of crimes by minorities, the literature indicates that this disproportionality is more likely due to facially neutral policies that have racially disparate effects. Section II explains the concept of the "collateral consequences" of a criminal conviction: conditions that, beyond the actual incarcerative sentence, often attach automatically upon conviction. Conviction and/or incarceration can impose highly restrictive educational, employment, housing, and civic conditions on an individual, including losing the right to vote. In addition to the destructive consequences of a criminal conviction to individuals, mass incarceration of people of color wreaks havoc in the neighborhoods in which they reside, resulting in severely impoverished communities. Section III describes the historic impact of the federal "War on Drugs" and New York's Rockefeller Drug Laws on the mass incarceration of Capital Region people of color. In 2002, Albany County had one of the highest drug crime prison admission rates in the entire country, and one of the most racially disproportionate rates. More recent data from 2011 indicate that Albany County maintains its dubious distinction of having comparatively higher (and more racially disparate) prison admission rates than other jurisdictions in the state. Section IV examines the relationships between the police department and the community in the cities of Albany, Troy and Schenectady. All three departments have expressed a commitment to "community policing," and the extent to which each department has operationalized this commitment is assessed. Section V considers the Capital Region statistics in the context of "The New Jim Crow" movement, which asserts that mass incarceration serves to maintain a racial caste system that denies education, employment, housing, and voting rights to those who carry the label "felon," in much the same way that the post-Civil War Jim Crow laws denied rights to blacks. Lastly, Section VI provides recommendations for change. Details: Albany, NY: Center for Law and Justice, 2012. 29p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed July 14, 2014 at: http://www.cflj.org/wp-content/uploads/2012/05/The-Disproportionate-Impact-of-the-Criminal-Justice-System-on-People-of-Color-in-the-Capital-Region.pdf Year: 2012 Country: United States URL: http://www.cflj.org/wp-content/uploads/2012/05/The-Disproportionate-Impact-of-the-Criminal-Justice-System-on-People-of-Color-in-the-Capital-Region.pdf Shelf Number: 132670 Keywords: African AmericansMinority GroupsPolice-Community RelationsRacial DisparitiesWar on Drugs |
Author: Bradford, Spike Title: Virginia's Justice System: Expensive, Ineffective and Unfair Summary: With the 8th highest jail incarceration rate in the U.S., 1 of every 214 adult Virginians is behind bars in county jails across the state; African-American youth over-represented in the juvenile justice system; and the Commonwealth's overreliance on incarceration largely as a result of arresting Virginians for drug offenses - Virginia has an over-burdened correctional system unable to consistently provide services or safety. Virginia's Justice System: Expensive, Ineffective and Unfair points to reforms that, if implemented, would result in relief for Virginians directly impacted by the justice system and taxpayers alike. The policy brief -- the first in a series of publications being released by JPI as a group of justice advocates and concerned stakeholders have been meeting in the Commonwealth to discuss pushing for reforms -- is an overview of the Commonwealth's adult and youth justice system, which identifies areas of progress - like the recent effort to re-enfranchise formerly incarcerated residents with voting rights and other civil rights - and also identifies solutions to revise ineffective policies and practices of the past that remain in place. Details: Washington, DC: Justice Policy Institute, 2013. 20p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed July 16, 2014 at: http://www.justicepolicy.org/uploads/justicepolicy/documents/va_justice_system_expensive_ineffective_and_unfair_final.pdf Year: 2013 Country: United States URL: http://www.justicepolicy.org/uploads/justicepolicy/documents/va_justice_system_expensive_ineffective_and_unfair_final.pdf Shelf Number: 132686 Keywords: Costs of Criminal JusticeCriminal Justice ReformCriminal Justice SystemsDrug Law PolicyDrug OffendersJuvenile JusticeMinority GroupsPrisonersRacial Disparities |
Author: Kutateladze, Besiki Title: Prosecution and Racial Justice in New York County -- Technical Report Summary: Minority overrepresentation in the criminal justice system is of great national concern. Prosecutors' discretion to file charges, change or reduce charges, plea bargain, and make sentencing recommendations is nearly unlimited. Despite this authority, prior research has not adequately examined the extent to which prosecutors may contribute to racial and ethnic disparities. Research on criminal case processing typically examines a single outcome from a particular decision-making point, making it difficult to draw reliable conclusions about the impact that factors such as defendants' race or ethnicity exert across successive stages of the justice system. Using a unique dataset from the New York County District Attorney's Office (DANY) that tracks a large sample of diverse criminal cases, this study assesses racial and ethnic disparity at multiple discretionary points of prosecution and sentencing. In addition to a large administrative dataset, randomly selected subsamples of misdemeanor marijuana and felony non-marijuana drug cases were chosen, and information on arrest circumstances and evidence factors was gathered from prosecutors' paper files to supplement our analyses. The study found that DANY prosecutes nearly all cases brought by the police with no marked racial or ethnic differences at case screening. For subsequent decisions, disparities varied by discretionary point and offense category. For all offenses combined, compared to similarly-situated white defendants, black and Latino defendants were more likely to be detained, to receive a custodial plea offer, and to be incarcerated; but they were also more likely to benefit from case dismissals. In terms of offense categories, blacks and Latinos were particularly likely to be held in pretrial detention for misdemeanor person offenses, followed by misdemeanor drug offenses. Blacks and Latinos were also most likely to have their cases dismissed for misdemeanor drug offenses. Disparities in custodial sentence offers as part of the plea bargaining process and ultimate sentences imposed were most pronounced for drug offenses, where blacks and Latinos received especially punitive outcomes. Asian defendants appeared to have most favorable outcomes across all discretionary points, as they were less likely to be detained, to receive custodial offers, and to be incarcerated relative to white defendants. Asian defendants received particularly favorable outcomes for misdemeanor property offenses. The study concludes with a discussion of implications for DANY and the research community, as well as study limitations. Details: New York: Vera Institute of Justice, 2014. 283p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed August 12, 2014 at: http://www.vera.org/sites/default/files/resources/downloads/race-and-prosecution-manhattan-technical.pdf Year: 2014 Country: United States URL: http://www.vera.org/sites/default/files/resources/downloads/race-and-prosecution-manhattan-technical.pdf Shelf Number: 133017 Keywords: Disproportionate Minority ContactMinority GroupsProsecution (New York)Prosecutorial DiscretionRacial Disparities |
Author: Costello, Liza Title: Travellers in the Irish Prison System: A Qualitative Study Summary: Over recent years, the Irish Penal Reform Trust (iprt) has become increasingly aware that very little has been documented about the experiences of Travellers in the Irish prison system, while evidence that has emerged from the UK gives cause for concern. Reports by the Irish Chaplaincy in Britain, the Scotland Equality and Human Rights Commission, the (then) Commission for Racial Equality and others have all revealed a wide range of issues that disproportionately affect Travellers in prison. These include racist abuse from other prisoners and prison officers, discrimination, lack of literacy, high rates of suicide, substance misuse, and often the strength of Traveller family ties not being recognised, leading to isolation, self-harm and even suicide. In 2011, the UN Committee Against Torture's Concluding Observations to Ireland suggested that such issues were not unique to the UK context. In this document, it expressed concern "at reports of allegations by prisoners from the Traveller community in Cork prison that they are consistently subjected to acts of intimidation by other prisoners" and recommended that the State address "the issue of intimidation of the Traveller community and investigat[e] all allegations of such intimidation". The aim of this research is to illuminate the experiences and needs of Travellers in prison. Its objectives are to: - present what is already known regarding Travellers in prison; - analyse the rights of Travellers in prison from an equality and human rights perspective; - conduct primary research into the needs and experiences of Travellers in the Irish prison system; - highlight models of good practice in meeting the needs of minority ethnic groups in prison; and - to make relevant evidence-based recommendations to the Irish Prison Service and other relevant bodies. Details: Dublin: Irish Penal Reform Trust, 2014. 77p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed August 23, 2014 at; http://www.iprt.ie/files/IPRT_Travellers_Report_web.pdf Year: 2014 Country: Ireland URL: http://www.iprt.ie/files/IPRT_Travellers_Report_web.pdf Shelf Number: 133122 Keywords: DiscriminationEthnic GroupsGypsiesInmatesMinority GroupsPrisoners (Ireland)Prisons |
Author: Rockwool Foundation Title: Crime rates halved among second-generation immigrants Summary: Crime rates among non-Western second-generation immigrants to Denmark have been more than halved in only 15 years. This is one of the findings of a new analysis from the Rockwool Foundation Research Unit, which reveals that ethnic minorities in Denmark today display significantly less criminality than was the case in the 1990s - and that in terms of crime, they are coming to resemble ethnic Danes ever more closely. This trend is very clear among non-Western second-generation immigrants. In 1990, 11% of male non-Western second-generation immigrants aged 15-45 committed at least one criminal offence of which they were convicted. In 2006 the proportion was under half of that; 5% committed at least one offence during the year which led to a conviction. The same trend, though from a lower starting point, was evident among first-generation non-Western male immigrants; in 1990 6% of them were convicted of committing at least one criminal offence, while the proportion in 2006 had fallen to 3%. Details: Copenhagen: Rockwool Foundation Research Unit, 2012. 12p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed September 17, 2014 at: http://www.rockwoolfonden.dk/files/RFF-site/Publikations%20upload/Newsletters/Engelsk/Newsletter%20January%202012.pdf Year: 2012 Country: Denmark URL: http://www.rockwoolfonden.dk/files/RFF-site/Publikations%20upload/Newsletters/Engelsk/Newsletter%20January%202012.pdf Shelf Number: 133372 Keywords: Crime RatesCrime StatisticsImmigrants and Crime (Denmark)ImmigrationMinority Groups |
Author: Ramirez, Debbie A. Title: Developing partnerships between law enforcement and American Muslim, Arab, and Sikh communities: a promising practices guide Summary: The Partnering for Prevention and Community Safety Initiative (PfP) grew out of a series of conversations among American Muslim, Arab, and Sikh communities, and among federal, state, and local law enforcement leaders, that began in the fall of 2001. After the attacks of September 11th, leaders in the Muslim, Arab, and Sikh communities realized a critical need to define themselves as distinctly American communities who, like all Americans, had every desire to help prevent another terrorist attack. It was, as many have noted, their time in history. However, these communities also had the added burden of both guarding their civil liberties from heightened security measures and protecting their children, their homes, and their places of worship from hate crimes and hate incidents. To achieve these goals these communities began to prioritize law enforcement outreach efforts. At the same time law enforcement recognized that the tools used prior to September 11th were inadequate to the new post-September 11th task. Although traditional investigative tools had been useful in achieving a quick and thorough response to September 11th, law enforcement needed enhanced tools to effectively prevent future acts of terror. Specifically, September 11th reinforced the idea that for law enforcement agencies to effectively prevent future acts of terrorism, it would require the cooperation and assistance of the American Muslim, Arab, and Sikh communities. Embedded within these communities are the linguistic skills, information, and cultural insights necessary to assist law enforcement in its efforts to identify suspicious behavior. In order to have access to these critical tools and information, law enforcement recognized the need to build the bridges required for effective communication with these groups. In the fall of 2002, members of the future PfP research team came together at Northeastern University to pursue mechanisms for moving this discussion about institutionalizing partnerships forward into action. In order to assist with the development of partnerships, the team decided to research 1) the benefits of these proposed partnerships; 2) the challenges posed by this partnership model; 3) case studies of these partnerships in action; and, ultimately, 4) the "promising practices" that can be utilized by sites interested in pursuing this model. The PfP research was conducted from May 2003 to May 2004 and was based on three sites: Southeastern Michigan, Southern California, and Greater Boston. Guidance and input from national partners in Washington, DC was another critical piece of the research plan. These research sites were chosen because of their experience in developing preliminary partnerships between communities and local, state, and federal law enforcement agencies, the presence of major terrorism or hate crime investigations, and/or because significant numbers of Arab, Muslim and Sikh community members indicated an interest in participating in the study. These communities were chosen because both law enforcement and the perpetrators of hate crimes were (and in some cases still are) focused on individuals who share or are perceived to share1 characteristics with the September 11th hijackers. Specific research participants were initially identified through national organizations. Local chapters of these organizations then directed the team toward other interested community members, who were also asked to participate. On the law enforcement side, key federal, state, and local agencies were contacted in each of the three sites. Over the course of the year, PfP visited the three sites and conducted numerous focus groups, personal interviews, and discussions with community and law enforcement members. After these visits, the team continued to communicate with project participants through emails, letters, faxes, and phone calls. All project participants were given the opportunity to review a draft version of the relevant section of the report to help ensure its accuracy. As a culmination of this research, the Promising Practices Guide aims to demonstrate the research findings that: 1) The goals of the American Muslim, Arab, and Sikh communities and law enforcement are not in conflict and can in fact be achieved simultaneously; 2) The most effective model for simultaneously addressing community and law enforcement concerns is through institutionalized partnerships; and 3) While there are significant challenges to achieving these partnerships, they are not only possible but also necessary for both community safety and terrorism prevention. While this work is by no means comprehensive, it does reflect the experience of a wide range of community and law enforcement representatives. Both in terms of studying additional sites and contacting more community organizations and law enforcement entities, there is still much work in this arena to be done. The hope is that this guide will serve as the beginning of an ongoing dialogue and the catalyst for new programming and training focused on the initiation, development, and strengthening of partnerships. This research will continue and can be followed by accessing PfP's website at www.ace.neu.edu/pfp. Details: Boston: Northeastern University, Partnering for Prevention & Community Safety Initiative, 2004. 98p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed March 11, 2015 at: http://iris.lib.neu.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1003&context=pfp_pubs Year: 2004 Country: United States URL: http://iris.lib.neu.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1003&context=pfp_pubs Shelf Number: 134905 Keywords: Community Crime PreventionCommunity ParticipationCommunity-Oriented ProgramsCrime Prevention Programs (U.S.)Minority GroupsPartnershipsPolice-Citizen InteractionsPolice-Community RelationsTerrorism |
Author: Ramirez, Debbie A. Title: The greater London experience: essential lessons learned in law enforcement - community partnerships and terrorism prevention Summary: Since the September 11, 2001 attacks on the World Trade Center and the Pentagon, United States law enforcement has feared the sleeper cell - a small group of individuals sent from abroad by a foreign terrorist organization to live quietly in Muslim neighborhoods in the United States and wait for the signal to initiate pre-planned terrorist attacks. More recently, in large part as a result of the July 7, 2005 London attacks, United States law enforcement has recognized that similar dangers may arise from homegrown militants who are either born or raised in the United States, and who operate with little or no support from foreign terrorist organizations. Information that would likely be most helpful to exposing these potential dangers lies in Muslim communities in a small number of United States cities. United States law enforcement, however, has been slow to reach out to them for assistance and guidance and develop meaningful relationships with them. Our research has shown that a significant reason for this disconnect is that United States law enforcement does not appear to know how to effectively connect with these communities. British law enforcement is far ahead of the United States both in thinking creatively about building bridges to its Muslim communities and implementing community policing programs that produce constructive interactions between these communities and various branches of law enforcement. Because they began their efforts well before the July 7, 2005 London bombings, British law enforcement was able to see firsthand how their connections with the Muslim community, particularly in the Bradford/Leeds area of England, helped them quickly identify the bombers and develop leads that were critical to their investigation. In the wake of those bombings, British law enforcement has worked even harder to expand their community policing efforts with their Muslim communities. These efforts have proven fruitful on multiple fronts, including in August 2006, when a tip from the Muslim community helped British police thwart a terrorist plot to detonate bombs on international flights departing from London's Heathrow Airport. In short, British law enforcement is far ahead of our own in connecting with Muslim communities, even though Muslim communities in Great Britain are significantly less prosperous and more alienated from the mainstream than Muslim communities in the United States. The premise of this paper is that we have much to learn from what they have begun. Details: Boston: Northeastern University, Partnering for Prevention & Community Safety Initiative, 2011. 44p. Source: Internet Resource: Partnering for Prevention & Community Safety Initiative Publications Paper no. 5: Accessed March 11, 2015 at: http://iris.lib.neu.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1004&context=pfp_pubs Year: 2011 Country: United Kingdom URL: http://iris.lib.neu.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1004&context=pfp_pubs Shelf Number: 134906 Keywords: Crime PreventionMinority GroupsMuslimsPartnershipsPolice-Community RelationsTerrorism |
Author: National Policing Improvement Agency (NPIA, UK) Title: Special Constabulary National Strategy Implementation Advice Summary: The Special Constabulary is a part-time, volunteer body consisting of officers with full police powers. Officers are available mainly in the evening and at weekends except in times of emergency. It has a long and impressive history and has recently benefited significantly from increased interest and investment. Numbers have grown over the past two years with considerable direct support from the Home Office, and this represents a major success for the Home Office decision to provide ring-fenced funding for the Capacity Growth Initiative. At the end of March 2007 the numbers were 14,021, or about 9% of the number of full time equivalent regular officers. The Special Constabulary is far more representative of the community than the Regular Police Service - not only by gender and ethnic background but by socio-economic group. Recruitment is further strengthening diversity, but even at this point 32% are female (compared with 21% for regular officers) and 6% are from ethnic minorities (compared with 3.5% for regular officers). The Special Constabulary is therefore an excellent bridge between the Police Service and the public, representing both the community within the Police Service and the Police Service within the community. Special Constables are highly cost-effective - the total cost per duty hour is estimated at $3.40 in the first two years and less than $3 per hour after that, or about 10% of the hourly cost of a regular officer and a fraction of the cost of a Community Support Officer. The environment in which the Special Constabulary operates is changing rapidly. New entities such as PCSOs, Highways Agency Traffic Officers, Vehicle Inspectorate Staff and even private security firms are taking over roles traditionally carried out by police officers. The Serious and Organised Crime Agency is now in place to deal with national threats to the community. Initiatives such as Neighbourhood Policing are transforming the way services are delivered locally. Against that background, a team of Special Chief Officers was given the task of determining whether there is a role for the Special Constabulary in this new structure and, if so, what that role should be. The team worked with representatives of the Home Office, ACPO, HMIC and the Neighbourhood Policing Project team, but this is essentially a Special Constabulary strategy for the Special Constabulary. The basic premise of the approach used is that the demand for policing services can be analysed like any other 'market' and providers of service can be considered in the same way as 'suppliers' in other markets. The demand for police services seems to be an expanding market with no apparent limit to its growth. However, like any other market it has recognisable segments and niches. While real progress is being made in most segments others are under-resourced and performance levels in these are not good enough to satisfy public demand. The Special Constabulary can be a key part of the solution in tackling these segments and improving both operating performance and public satisfaction with the police. As a business proposition the Special Constabulary is difficult to beat. Not only is it extraordinarily cost-effective, but it is more representative of the community (socio-economic groups and businesses) than any other body delivering policing services. It therefore brings greater involvement and improved communication with members of the public and the business community. Specials can act as a positive force for change - bringing with them an extensive pool of skills, talents, experience and local knowledge and diverse backgrounds - as well as enhancing the level of service provided by the police. The opportunity is described in this Report and Chief Officers are encouraged to use it to see the Special Constabulary in their respective Forces as a strategic resource to improve performance - wherever the need is greatest and the fit with the Special Constabulary's strengths is greatest. Details: London: NPIA, 2010. 61p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed March 16, 2015 at: http://www.online.police.uk/en/docs/Imp_Strategy_updated.pdf Year: 2010 Country: United Kingdom URL: http://www.online.police.uk/en/docs/Imp_Strategy_updated.pdf Shelf Number: 145418 Keywords: Minority GroupsPolice OfficersSpecial ConstablesVolunteers in Policing (U.K.) |
Author: Portland State University Title: Decreasing Crime By Increasing Involvement: A Law Enforcement Guidebook For Building Relations In Multi-Ethnic Communities Summary: In 2010, Oregon's Governor-appointed Law Enforcement Contacts Policy and Data Review Committee (LECC), through its partnership with the CJPRI, formed a partnership with the Salem Police Department to collaborate on creating this guidebook as a resource for Oregon law enforcement agencies. The booklet was created with the realization and understanding that law enforcement agencies have many demands, competing priorities, and limited resources with which to meet their goals. This resource is intended to assist agencies that would like to improve upon their current strategies for connecting with the ethnic communities they serve by providing: - Information on key elements of improving police-citizen relations. - Examples of specific Oregon law enforcement agency efforts. (case illustrations are provided throughout this guidebook) - Information for finding resources for your own efforts. Details: Portland, OR: Criminal Justice Policy Research Institute, 2011. 75p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed March 18, 2015 at: http://www.pdx.edu/cjpri/sites/www.pdx.edu.cjpri/files/Decreasing_Crime_By_Increasing_Involvement.pdf Year: 2011 Country: United States URL: http://www.pdx.edu/cjpri/sites/www.pdx.edu.cjpri/files/Decreasing_Crime_By_Increasing_Involvement.pdf Shelf Number: 134948 Keywords: Crime PreventionMinority GroupsMulti-Ethnic CommunitiesPolice-Community Relations |
Author: Bradley, Bethany Waterhouse Title: BME and Migrant Confidence in Policing and Criminal Justice in Northern Ireland: an exploratory exercise to support the Community Safety Strategy Summary: Building community confidence in the criminal justice system has been identified as a key priority in the Community Safety Strategy and echoed through the policies and plans which support its delivery. This NISMP paper is an exploratory exercise which examines confidence in relation to minority ethnic communities in Northern Ireland. It considers how measures taken to improve confidence have impacted on these groups and how they might be delivered to further increase levels of confidence. Details: Belfast: Northern Ireland Strategic Migration Partnership, 2014. 31p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed March 18, 2015 at: http://www.migrationni.org/DatabaseDocs/new_1903189__community_confidence_final_draft.pdf Year: 2014 Country: United Kingdom URL: http://www.migrationni.org/DatabaseDocs/new_1903189__community_confidence_final_draft.pdf Shelf Number: 134959 Keywords: Minority Ethnic Communities Minority GroupsPolice-Citizens Interactions Police-Community Relations (Northern Ireland) |
Author: New South Wales Police Force Title: NSW Police Force Priorities for Working in a Culturally, Linguistically and Religiously Diverse Society and Multicultural Policies and Services Forward Plan 2011-2014 Summary: This document follows NSW Police Priorities for Working in a Culturally, Linguistically and Religiously Diverse Society 2006-2009, which set a vision for delivering policing services in a multicultural community. This plan continues to inform future directions for an organisation that is at the forefront of the justice system and maintains its focus on enhancing the capacity, confidence and capabilities of the entire NSW Police Force to operate effectively in a diverse cultural, linguistic and religious environment. Understanding diversity in the Australian context must start with acknowledging the diversity and rich history of Aboriginal people as the original inhabitants and custodians of the land. Rich, diverse and long, Aboriginal cultures set the scene for any discussion of diversity and the benefits it offers. Many Aboriginal Australians, however, continue to suffer the effects of policies and practices that have impacted on their welfare, identity, culture and language over time. This ongoing struggle must be addressed in recognising the challenges that new Australians from diverse cultural and language backgrounds experience in contributing to society and giving expression to their cultural identities. Any effort on the part of government agencies to embrace cultural, linguistic and religious diversity must therefore also acknowledge the need for reconciliation and healing between Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal Australians as a starting point. In this spirit, the NSW Police Force Multicultural Policies and Services Program grounds its commitment to working with diverse cultural, religious and linguistic communities in its equal commitment to strengthening its relationship with Aboriginal communities. It is only through this that an authentic commitment to multiculturalism and culturally capable policing practice is possible. While the Multicultural Policies and Services Program celebrates cultural, linguistic and religious diversity, the NSW Police Force acknowledges that diversity and culturally capable policing draws on all aspects of everyday policing and the complex life events that affect individuals. This document is built on the premise that people and their diversity (in all of its dimensions including age, gender, culture, language, religion, sexuality, education, employment, ability, values, opinions and experiences) are the greatest asset available to any group, organisation or community. This includes the diversity amongst police officers themselves in terms of an individuals background, role and opinion and life experience. Details: Sydney: NSW Police Force, 2011. 98p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed April 1, 2015 at: http://www.police.nsw.gov.au/__data/assets/pdf_file/0004/73156/Internet_-_MPSP_Plan_2011-14.pdf Year: 2011 Country: Australia URL: http://www.police.nsw.gov.au/__data/assets/pdf_file/0004/73156/Internet_-_MPSP_Plan_2011-14.pdf Shelf Number: 135127 Keywords: AboriginalsCommunity PolicingDiversityMinority GroupsPolice LegitimacyPolice Recruitment and SelectionPolice-Community InteractionsPolice-Community Relations |
Author: Great Britain. Her Majesty's Chief Inspector of Constabulary Title: The Welfare of vulnerable people in police custody Summary: Every day, the police in England and Wales are required to respond to the widest possible range of human behaviour and conditions. One moment they might be seeking a place of safety for an abandoned child, or for a person suffering from mental health problems who is confused and vulnerable; the next, they could be arresting an armed criminal. In some cases, people may be both offenders and in need of care. Vulnerability can be a trigger for crime or it can make people more likely to be victims of crime. The task that we ask of our police officers in making the distinction between the need for care and the requirements of justice is therefore both highly complex, and crucial if we are to ensure that vulnerable adults and children in our society do not become criminalised for want of a more appropriate response. The bricks and mortar of the custody suite and the police cell do not, and cannot make this distinction. As a result, some of the most vulnerable in our society may be subject to the same physical conditions and treatment as some of the most harmful. Police officers are civilians in uniform, possessing and discharging powers given to them freely by the consent of the communities they serve. There can be no greater power invested in a civilian than the power to take away the liberty of the citizen; nor can there be a stronger illustration of the power and trust invested in the police. The way that officers and staff engage with people in their custody or care therefore, has a most significant effect on the legitimacy with which the police are viewed, both by those detained, and by wider society. Future co-operation as witnesses to crime, or trust in the police as a victim of crime, may also be dependent on these contacts with the service. This being the case, the attitude and actions of the police - whether on the front line or in custody - are of paramount importance in ensuring that the very different needs of all those they encounter are met by the most appropriate agency. For those members of the public taken into custody, there are risks of harm from the experience of detention itself. They may also pose a risk to themselves and/or to others. All of these risks must be managed effectively by officers and staff with the relevant specialist expertise, who must communicate effectively, implement good standards of care, follow the law and work proactively with other agencies to ensure the right protection is put in place for vulnerable detainees, both in and following police custody. The primary purpose of the police is the prevention of crime and disorder. Other public agencies also have responsibilities in this regard. It is important to reiterate that the care of those who are vulnerable and at risk of coming to police attention is not the responsibility of the police alone. As this report emphasises, each service with a role to play in helping these individuals - including health, mental health, social and housing services - must fully and properly discharge its responsibilities, so that the police do not become the default response for vulnerable people in crisis. Details: London: HMIC, 2015. 212p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed April 15, 2015 at: http://www.justiceinspectorates.gov.uk/hmic/wp-content/uploads/the-welfare-of-vulnerable-people-in-police-custody.pdf Year: 2015 Country: United Kingdom URL: http://www.justiceinspectorates.gov.uk/hmic/wp-content/uploads/the-welfare-of-vulnerable-people-in-police-custody.pdf Shelf Number: 135211 Keywords: DetaineesInmatesMentally IllMinority GroupsPolice BehaviorPolice CustodyPrisoners (U.K.) |
Author: Closing the Gap Clearinghouse Title: Diverting Indigenous offenders from the criminal justice system Summary: What we know - Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people are vastly over-represented in the Australian juvenile and criminal justice systems. - Incarceration comes at a high cost through exposure to harsh prison environment, marginalisation, poor health outcomes and impact upon employment opportunities. - A person's contact with or progression through the justice systems can be reduced through diversion programs. - Indigenous Australians have lower participation and completion rates of diversion programs, particularly those who access mainstream programs. What works - Positive outcomes found for diversion programs include reduced drug and substance use, and improved social functioning. - There is some evidence that diversion programs reduce reoffending, but the evidence is not strong. - Diversion programs of between 12 and 18 months have better outcomes than those of very short or extended durations. - On-the-job work experience and other forms of support, such as mentoring, help reduce reoffending and promote reintegration into the community. - Culturally appropriate treatment initiatives and rehabilitation boost the participation in and completion of a diversionary program. - Programs that address the concerns of Indigenous defendants by involving Indigenous Elders or facilitators in delivery work better. What doesn't work - Programs with strict eligibility criteria are not effective as repeat offenders are often unable to take advantage of relevant and helpful programs. - Unrealistic participation requirements that affect an offender's ability to complete a program could encourage their continued involvement with the criminal justice system. - Diverting offenders to protracted programs when their crimes were minor in nature can be counterproductive. The nature and length of a diversion program should be in proportion to the severity of the offence and any risk of reoffence. In some cases, a jail sentence of lesser duration may have been preferred to the program ordered. - Focussing on illicit drugs often misses the target. Alcohol, and not substance abuse, is the major underlying problem for Indigenous offenders, but it is not addressed by most of the mainstream drug diversion programs. - A lack of committed funding can limit the reach and functioning of a diversionary program, particularly in rural and remote Australia. What we don't know - Process rather than outcomes is often the focus for measuring success of a program and it is therefore difficult to determine the effectiveness of many diversionary programs. - There is little by way of in-depth data and objective evaluations to determine the medium and long-term effectiveness of Australian diversionary programs. - Outcomes for Indigenous participants of mainstream programs are not always measured or reported separately. Consequently, the suitability of these programs for Indigenous clients has not been fully verified. - It is unclear whether some diversionary programs lead to net-widening - that is, they may increase rather than lessen the involvement of defendants with the justice system. Details: Canberra: Australian Institute of Health and Welfare & Melbourne: Australian Institute of Family Studies, 2013. 29p. Source: Internet Resource: Resource sheet no. 24: Accessed April 29, 2015 at: http://www.aihw.gov.au/uploadedFiles/ClosingTheGap/Content/Publications/2013/ctgc-rs24.pdf Year: 2013 Country: Australia URL: http://www.aihw.gov.au/uploadedFiles/ClosingTheGap/Content/Publications/2013/ctgc-rs24.pdf Shelf Number: 135411 Keywords: Alternatives to IncarcerationDiversion ProgramsIndigenous OffendersIndigenous Peoples (Australia)Minority GroupsTreatment Programs |
Author: Physicians for Human Rights Title: Patterns of Anti-Muslim Violence in Burma: A Call for Accountability and Prevention Summary: Violence against ethnic and other minority groups living in Burma (officially the Union of Myanmar) has marked the country's history over the past several decades. Burma's former military regime made common practice of targeting ethnic communities for forced labor, sexual violence, and other serious crimes. Under Burma's current nominally democratic government, violence against marginalized groups has escalated to an unprecedented level as Rohingyas and other Muslims throughout Burma face renewed acts of violence. Persecution and violence against Rohingyas, a Muslim group long excluded from Burmese society and denied citizenship, has spread to other Muslim communities throughout the country. Serious human rights violations, including anti-Muslim violence, have resulted in the displacement of nearly 250,000 people since June 2011, as well as the destruction of more than 10,000 homes, scores of mosques, and a dozen monasteries. The successive waves of violence too often go unpunished by the Burmese government. At times, the crimes have even been facilitated by the police. The failure of the Burmese government to properly protect its people and address human rights violations committed by police officers signals serious obstacles ahead on the path from military dictatorship to a truly democratic country where everyone has a voice and the rights of all people are respected and protected. One of the most extreme and alarming examples of anti-Muslim violence was the March 2013 massacre of dozens of Muslim students, teachers, and other community members in Meiktila, a town in central Burma. Physicians for Human Rights (PHR) conducted an in-depth investigation into those killings and released a report in May 2013 detailing the crimes. In an effort to place this particular incident in the wider context of ongoing violence, PHR produced this report to analyze and asses patterns of extreme violence from various sites across the country, which indicate that the government has consistently failed to properly address attacks driven by hate speech and racism. Further investigation by an independent commission is necessary to uncover additional details about the organization and motivation behind the recent violence. There are no simple solutions to stem rising tides of religious hatred and violence. The people of Burma face the significant task of choosing how to grapple with intolerance and anti-Muslim hatred, as well as myriad abuses by the government against other marginalized groups. The ultimate responsibility, however, rests with the Government of Burma, which must ensure that people are protected from violence and that any perpetrators are investigated, arrested, and charged according to fair and transparent legal standards. As this report demonstrates, while there have been several arrests following some of the most extreme outbreaks of violence, the government must do more not only to respond to the individual acts of violence, but also to promote an atmosphere of tolerance and acceptance where the rights of all people are protected. The Burmese government also has the responsibility to find durable solutions to end violence that respect ethnic diversity. Institutionalized displacement and segregation are abhorrent and unsustainable responses that have devastating consequences for those displaced by violence or fear of persecution. PHR conducted eight separate investigations in Burma and the surrounding region between 2004 and 2013. PHR's most recent field research in early 2013 indicates a need for renewed attention to violence against minorities and impunity for such crimes. The findings presented in this report are based on investigations conducted in Burma over two separate visits for a combined 21-day period between March and May 2013. The Government of Burma, civil society leaders, and the international community must act immediately to stop anti-Muslim violence in the country. The unhampered spread of violent incidents across Burma exposes concerning indicators of future violence. There is, for instance, rapid dissemination of hate speech against marginalized groups, widespread impunity for most perpetrators, and inaction or acquiescence by many leaders in government and the democracy movement. As we have witnessed in the past, these elements are ingredients for potential catastrophic violence in the future, including potential crimes against humanity and/or genocide. If left unchecked, this particular combination could lead to mass atrocities on a scale heretofore unseen in Burma. Details: New York: Physicians for Human Rights, 2013. 44p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed May 26, 2015 at: https://s3.amazonaws.com/PHR_Reports/Burma-Violence-Report-August-2013.pdf Year: 2013 Country: Burma URL: https://s3.amazonaws.com/PHR_Reports/Burma-Violence-Report-August-2013.pdf Shelf Number: 129780 Keywords: Bias-Related CrimesEthnic GroupsHate CrimesHomicidesHuman Rights AbusesMinority GroupsMuslimsReligionViolenceViolent Crime |
Author: Owens, Elizabeth Title: Exploring the experiences of Minority Ethnic Women in Resettlement: What role, if any, does ethnic culture play in the resettlement of Black (African-Caribbean) women offenders in the UK? Summary: The aim of this research project was to explore the experiences of black and minority ethnic women in resettlement in order to form a picture of resettlement from their perspective and to determine what, if any, role ethnic culture played in resettlement. Four questions were formed as guidance to achieve this aim: 1. What are the resettlement needs of minority ethnic women? 2. What role does ethnic culture play in the resettlement of African, Caribbean, Black and mixed (within these groups) women in the UK? 3. How do minority ethnic women access and understand resettlement services? Is this influenced by their ethnic culture? If yes, to what degree, and how? 4. How are some providers successfully engaging these women? What are the 'challenging' areas to work on in making services accessible and meaningful to these women? Current literature on the topic is focused on the experiences of minority ethnic women in the criminal justice system and resettlement is largely neglected. There is a lack of data on minority ethnic women in the criminal justice system in general, but particularly in regard to resettlement. Official reports and consultations stress the need for identification and evidence of minority ethnic women's experiences. Through semi‐ structured interviews with minority ethnic women in resettlement and service providers providing resettlement support to minority ethnic women, participants were asked to share their experiences. Ethnic culture was not identified by the sample as a primary concern in resettlement. Rather, both women in resettlement and service providers were more concerned with meeting 'general primary needs' that are broadly shared by individuals in resettlement, such as housing, income and child issues. In spite of this, all the participants felt that minority ethnic women had unique and different needs in resettlement than those of their white counterparts. Details: London: The Griffins Society, 2010. 48p. Source: Internet Resource: Research Paper 2010/01: Accessed May 27, 2015 at: http://www.thegriffinssociety.org/documents/Research_Paper_2010_01.pdf Year: 2010 Country: United Kingdom URL: http://www.thegriffinssociety.org/documents/Research_Paper_2010_01.pdf Shelf Number: 129826 Keywords: Ethnic GroupsFemale OffendersMinority GroupsReentryResettlement |
Author: Saar, Malika Saada Title: The Sexual Abuse to Prison Pipeline: The Girls' Story Summary: "The Sexual Abuse to Prison Pipeline: The Girls' Story", a report that exposes how girls, specifically girls of color, are arrested and incarcerated as a result of sexual abuse. One in 3 juveniles arrested is a girl. Girls tend to be arrested at younger ages than boys, usually entering the system at age 13 or 14. And while girls are only 14 percent of incarcerated youths, they make up the fastest-growing segment of the juvenile-justice system. Sexual abuse is one of the primary predictors of girls' detention. Girls are rarely arrested for violent crimes. They are arrested for nonviolent behaviors that are correlative with enduring and escaping from abusive environments-offenses such as truancy and running away. Many girls run away from abusive homes or foster-care placements, only to then be arrested for the status offense of running away. Whereas abused women are told to run from their batterers, when girls run from abuse, they are locked up. There is also the grim example of how girls are criminalized when they are trafficked for sex as children. When poor black and brown girls are bought and sold for sex, they are rarely regarded or treated as victims of trafficking. Instead, they are children jailed for prostitution. According to the FBI, African-American children make up 59 percent of all prostitution-related arrests under the age of 18 in the U.S., and girls make up 76 percent of all prostitution-related arrests under the age of 18 in the U.S. Another lens through which to understand the degree of sexual violence and trauma endured by justice-involved girls is their own histories. The younger a girl's age when she enters the juvenile-justice system, the more likely she is to have been sexually assaulted and/or seriously physically injured. One California study found that 60 percent of girls in the state's jails had been raped or were in danger of being raped at some point in their lives. Similarly, a study of delinquent girls in South Carolina found that 81 percent reported a history of sexual violence: Sixty-nine percent had experienced violence by their caregiver, and 42 percent reported dating violence. It has to be pointed out, as the "Sexual Abuse to Prison Pipeline" report does, that this is, distinctly, a pipeline for girls of color. Youths of color account for 45 percent of the general youth population, but girls of color-who are approximately half of all youths of color-make up approximately two-thirds of girls who are incarcerated. Details: Washington, DC: George Law Center on Poverty and Inequality, 2015. 48p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed July 13, 2015 at: http://rights4girls.org/wp-content/uploads/r4g/2015/02/2015_COP_sexual-abuse_layout_web-1.pdf Year: 2015 Country: United States URL: http://rights4girls.org/wp-content/uploads/r4g/2015/02/2015_COP_sexual-abuse_layout_web-1.pdf Shelf Number: 136019 Keywords: Child Sexual AbuseDisproportionate Minority ConfinementFemale DetentionFemale Juvenile OffendersMinority GroupsViolence Against Girls |
Author: Wortley, Scot Title: Police Use of Force in Ontario: An Examination of Data from the Special Investigations Unit Summary: Police use of force against racial minorities has emerged as one of the most controversial issues facing the law enforcement community in North America. In the United States, high profile incidents involving police use of force - including the Rodney King, Abner Louima and Amadou Diallo cases - often serve to increase tensions between racial minority communities and the police and solidify the public perception that the police are racially biased (Walker 2005; Walker et al. 2004; Joseph et al. 2003). The negative impact of police violence on community cohesion can be profound. For example, over the past twenty years, specific incidents of police violence against racial minorities have sparked major urban riots in several cities including Miami, Cinncinati and Los Angeles. Police use of force against racial minorities has also emerged as an important issue in Canada. As in the United States, well publicized police shootings in Ontario and Quebec - including the cases of Dudley George, Jeffrey Roedica, Lester Donaldson, Allen Gosset, Sophia Cook, Buddy Evans, Wade Lawson and Marlon Neal - have led to community allegations of police discrimination. Unfortunately, unlike the United States, very little empirical research has actually addressed the question of whether the police are more likely to use physical force against racial minorities than Whites (see discussion in Forcese 1999: 181-184). The following report attempts to address the gap in Canadian research by: 1) Providing a detailed literature review on police use of force against minorities in Canada and the United States; 2) Describing the results of a focus group with leaders from Toronto's Black community on the issue of police use of force; and 3) providing the results of a new study on police use of force in Ontario using data from the province's Special Investigations Unit. The report concludes with a discussion of different explanatory models that might help explain the overrepresentation of African Canadians and Aboriginals in police use of force statistics. Recommendations for reducing the illegitimate use of force by the police are provided. Particular emphasis is placed on reducing police use of force against racial minority communities. Details: Toronto: Centre of Criminology, University of Toronto, 2012. 126p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed August 31, 2015 at: https://www.attorneygeneral.jus.gov.on.ca/inquiries/ipperwash/policy_part/projects/pdf/AfricanCanadianClinicIpperwashProject_SIUStudybyScotWortley.pdf Year: 2012 Country: Canada URL: https://www.attorneygeneral.jus.gov.on.ca/inquiries/ipperwash/policy_part/projects/pdf/AfricanCanadianClinicIpperwashProject_SIUStudybyScotWortley.pdf Shelf Number: 136631 Keywords: Deadly ForceMinority GroupsPolice Use of ForceRacial DisparitiesRacial Minorities |
Author: Mills, John R. Title: No Hope: Re-examining Lifetime Sentences for Juvenile Offenders Summary: In a handful of U.S. counties, teenagers are still being sentenced to a lifetime in prison with no chance of release. This harsh and increasingly isolated practice falls disproportionately on black and Hispanic youth and is a remnant of an earlier period of punitiveness based on an unfounded prediction of a new class of superpredators that never actually materialized. While the use of this sentence has dramatically declined in recent years, it continues to be practiced in a relatively small number of jurisdictions. The Supreme Court now has the opportunity to declare juvenile life without parole a cruel and unusual punishment, far outside our standards of decency in the twenty-first century. In Miller v. Alabama, the Court took the first step by forbidding mandatory sentences of life without parole for homicide offenses committed by juveniles (JLWOP). The opinion, however, left open the question of whether the Eighth Amendment prohibits the imposition of life without parole upon juveniles entirely. That question, the constitutionality of life without parole sentences for juvenile offenders, is being presented to the Court in two cases. In one case to be argued in October, the Court will consider whether its earlier rulings on this subject apply to past cases and not just cases going forward. A brief offered by the Charles Hamilton Institute for Race and Justice urges the Court to tackle the constitutional question of whether the punishment should stand at all. In another case, an inmate serving a JLWOP sentence has directly presented the question: "Does the Eighth Amendment prohibit sentencing a child to life without possibility of parole?" This report examines the key evidence for answering the question of whether there is now a national consensus against juvenile life without parole. To make this assessment, the Court generally examines legislative enactments and actual sentencing practices. This report catalogs the rapid abandonment of JLWOP, both legislatively and in terms of actual use. Although JLWOP dramatically expanded between 1992 and 1999 - an era of hysteria over juvenile super-predatorssince Miller states have rapidly abandoned JLWOP in law and practice. Nine states have abolished JLWOP after Miller, bringing the current number of jurisdictions completely banning the sentence to fifteen. California and Florida, two of the most frequent users of the sentence, have dramatically limited the reach of JLWOP by restricting its application to a narrow set of circumstances. Moreover, North Carolina, Pennsylvania, and Washington have abolished JLWOP for a category of offenders. This pace of abolition far outstrips those that occurred in the years prior to the high Court's rulings that the executions of juveniles and the intellectually disabled are unconstitutional. This report provides an in-depth analysis of state and county JLWOP sentencing practices. At the state level, just nine states account for over eighty percent of all JLWOP sentences. A single county, Philadelphia County, Pennsylvania, is responsible for nearly ten percent of all JLWOP sentences nationwide. Orleans Parish, Louisiana, has tenfold the number of JLWOP sentences as its population would suggest. Five counties account for more than one fifth of all JLWOP sentences. JLWOP, in practice, is isolated in a handful of outlier jurisdictions. Finally, state sentencing practices also show marked racial disparities in JLWOP's administration. Starting in 1992, the beginning of the super-predator era, a black juvenile offender would be twice as likely to receive a JLWOP sentence as his white counterpart. The disproportionate application of the punishment on juveniles of color is stark. All of Texas's JLWOP sentences were imposed on persons of color. Pennsylvania has imposed it eighty percent of the time on persons of color. There is now a growing consensus against JLWOP, calling into question its constitutionality. The policy's suspect origins and disparate implementation require rigorous examination to determine whether it serves any legitimate penological purpose. Details: Durham, NC: Phillips Black Project, 2015. 16p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed October 8, 2015 at: http://static1.squarespace.com/static/55bd511ce4b0830374d25948/t/5600cc20e4b0f36b5caabe8a/1442892832535/JLWOP+2.pdf Year: 2015 Country: United States URL: http://static1.squarespace.com/static/55bd511ce4b0830374d25948/t/5600cc20e4b0f36b5caabe8a/1442892832535/JLWOP+2.pdf Shelf Number: 136976 Keywords: Juvenile OffendersJuvenile SentencingLife ImprisonmentLife SentenceLife Without ParoleMinority GroupsRacial Disparities |
Author: Jovanovic, Jelena Title: 'Vulnerability of Roma' in Policy Discourse on Combatting Trafficking in Human Beings in Serbia: Perspectives of the National Policy Actors Summary: This paper presents the results of research on national anti-trafficking policy actors' discourses on 'vulnerability of Roma' to trafficking in human beings in Serbia. According to most of the interviewed policy actors, Roma are one of the 'vulnerable groups', constituting at least half of all human trafficking victims. However, many of the interviewees argue there are no specific vulnerability factors that can be associated with Roma. Yet the analysis of their discourses suggests that institutional discrimination based on 'ethnicity' and racism can be considered the specific factors. It further suggests that these two factors do not only increase vulnerability of Roma, but also prevent local anti-trafficking policy actors from providing assistance and protection to Romani victims of trafficking. In addition, the analysis also indicates that reconstruction of the concept 'Romani culture' is another factor that prevents local anti-trafficking policy actors from helping Romani victims of trafficking. The research presented here was concerned with the different meanings embedded in the concept 'vulnerability of Roma'. The juxtaposition of policy actors' discourses alongside discourses represented through the national strategic policy documents reveals several problematic category making processes and conceptualizations. For instance, as we will soon see, the subtle conceptualization of 'trafficking in Roma' as a Romani problem and then, further to this, as a Romani women's problem. Details: Budapest: Center for Policy Studies, Central European University, 2015. 34p. Source: Internet Resource: Working Paper Series, 2015/4: Accessed October 20, 2015 at: https://cps.ceu.edu/sites/default/files/publications/cps-working-paper-osi-ttf-vulnerability-of-roma-2015.pdf Year: 2015 Country: Serbia and Montenegro URL: https://cps.ceu.edu/sites/default/files/publications/cps-working-paper-osi-ttf-vulnerability-of-roma-2015.pdf Shelf Number: 137037 Keywords: Human TraffickingMinority GroupsRacismRomani |
Author: Bies, Katherine J. Title: Stuck in the '70s: The Demographics of California Prosecutors Summary: Recent events have renewed longstanding concerns about the treatment of racial minorities by the criminal justice system in California and throughout the United States. Part of that attention has focused on prosecutors, the gatekeepers to the criminal justice system and, in many ways, the system's most powerful officials. Nationwide protests followed failures by prosecutors last year to secure indictments against White police officers implicated in the deaths of Michael Brown and Eric Garner, two unarmed Black men, in Ferguson, Missouri, and Staten Island, New York. Those protests in turn prompted President Obama to remind the country of our legal system's "long history of discrimination." Considerable attention was also drawn to the decision in May of this year by the State's Attorney in Baltimore, Maryland to file charges against six police officers involved in the death of Freddie Gray, a 25-year-old Black man arrested for what the police alleged was an illegal knife, while Gray was in custody. Prosecutors determine who is criminally charged, what they are charged with, what sentence will be sought, and what concessions, if any, will be offered in exchange for a guilty plea. Particularly in cases that do not proceed to trial-which are the vast majority of all criminal cases-the prosecutor's decisions effectively determine the outcome. Prosecutors also set broad policies for the criminal justice system, deciding which laws will be enforced aggressively and which will not, helping to convince other law enforcement officials how to pursue their missions, and often setting the agenda for public debates about criminal justice. The District Attorneys in Ferguson and on Staten Island were White men; the State's Attorney in Baltimore was a Black woman. It is impossible to know what role those facts played in their charging decisions, but the race and gender of the lead prosecutors understandably received considerable attention. Because prosecutors hold so much power and exercise so much discretion, it is cause for concern if they do not reflect the diversity of the public. Thus, one of the many questions raised by the Michael Brown, Eric Garner, and Freddie Gray cases is: How representative are prosecutors of the communities that they serve?" In California, the answer is "not very." In 2014 Latinos surpassed Whites as the largest demographic group in California. Whites comprise slightly more than 38 percent of the population in California, but they are nearly 70 percent of California prosecutors. Latinos are almost 39 percent of the population but only nine percent of California prosecutors. The last time 70 percent of Californians were White was in 1977-the year that Jimmy Carter became President of the United States, Apple Computer was. Demographically speaking, California prosecutors are stuck in the '70s. Details: Stanford, CA: Stanford Criminal Justice Center, Stanford Law School, 2015. 52p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed October 26, 2015 at: http://law.stanford.edu/wp-content/uploads/2015/08/Stuck-in-the-70s-Final-Report.pdf Year: 2015 Country: United States URL: http://law.stanford.edu/wp-content/uploads/2015/08/Stuck-in-the-70s-Final-Report.pdf Shelf Number: 137057 Keywords: DiscriminationMinority GroupsProsecutionProsecutorial DiscretionProsecutorsRacial Disparities |
Author: American Civil Liberties Union of New Jersey Title: Selective Policing: Racially Disparate Enforcement of Low-Level Offenses in New Jersey Summary: Police departments across the country increasingly have come to rely on the aggressive enforcement of low-level offenses to maintain social order and deter more serious crimes. Such a strategy involves the exercise of unfettered discretion by individual police officers. They decide whether and when to make arrests for minor misbehaviors that pose little or no harm to the community. This can lead to the uneven enforcement of low-level offenses, which falls disproportionately on Black and Latino communities. understand the impact such arrests have on communities of color, and implement the appropriate changes. The origins of this report stem from a 2013 American Civil Liberties Union national study of racial disparities in the context of marijuana possession arrests. That report found that Blacks in New Jersey were nearly three times more likely to be arrested than Whites. The American Civil Liberties Union of New Jersey decided to further examine those findings by taking a closer look at the arrests for numerous low-level offenses, specifically disorderly conduct; defiant trespass; loitering; and marijuana possession. We examined the most recent data available from police departments in four cities. The cities were chosen to reflect New Jersey's diversity in population density, demographics, and geographic location. The four cities are Jersey City, Elizabeth, New Brunswick, and Millville. The results of the study demonstrate a pattern of racially disparate enforcement practices in all four cities. In each case, the study identified extreme racial disparities in the number of arrests of Black and White people for low-level offenses. We were unable to gauge the full extent of the disparities because of serious flaws in the data collection practices of each police department. Key findings from the report: - Racial disparities between Black and White arrests exist in every city studied. For the most recent years available, the data show Blacks in Jersey City are 9.6 times more likely to be arrested than Whites for the low-level offenses studied. In Millville, it's 6.3 times more likely; in Elizabeth, it's 3.4 times more likely; and in New Brunswick, 2.6 times more likely. - Racial disparities between Hispanic/Latino and White arrests are present where data are available. Arrest data for Hispanics/Latinos are not kept in a consistent manner from jurisdiction to jurisdiction. Where data were available, however, the study found disparities. For example, for the most recent years available, in Jersey City, Hispanics/Latinos were 2.9 times more likely to be arrested than Whites for the offenses studied. In Millville, Hispanics/Latinos were 6.3 times more likely to be arrested for marijuana possession. - Some law enforcement agencies do not track Hispanic/Latino data. For example, the Elizabeth Police Department does not track Hispanic/Latino arrests, despite serving a population that is 60% Hispanic/Latino. - Police departments are not keeping records in accessible, reliable formats. Some departments were simply missing arrest data for several years. Haphazard record keeping was evident in all four police departments. Jersey City, for example, conducted a hand count of its arrest records for 2011 and discovered significantly more marijuana possession arrests than were found by a computer search. The lack of accurate, reliable records makes evaluating the departments' practices difficult (sometimes impossible), hindering transparency and accountability. - Individuals charged with low-level offenses are generally not involved in serious crimes. For example, 95% of the low-level arrests in Jersey City did not involve any other offense classified as "serious" by the FBI's Uniform Crime Report. Because the study focused on low-level offenses, arrests that included charges for more serious offenses were excluded from the analyses. The study data revealed a clear pattern of Black and Hispanic/Latino communities disproportionately bearing the brunt of policing practices that focus on a strict enforcement of low-level offenses. The human cost of these arrests and convictions can include having to pay court costs and fines; criminal records that follow individuals for the rest of their lives; and the loss of income, housing, child custody, or immigration status. In extreme cases, a confrontation with police over a low-level offense can escalate into an episode of violence. Almost as troubling as the revelations about the disparity in the number of arrests, is the routine lack of diligence in record keeping and the haphazard collection of enforcement data. Without full, careful, and transparent reporting of the arrests made by a city's police department, the public cannot be adequately informed about the work of the department; the community cannot hold officials accountable for the actions being taken; and the police departments cannot determine the effectiveness of its policing strategies. Despite incomplete data from the police departments due to breakdowns in their reporting practices, a clear picture emerged. The effort to fight crime with an aggressive strategy of arresting people for low-level offenses served mainly to create unacceptable disparities in the number of Blacks and Hispanics/Latinos arrested. The racial disparities uncovered by this study are deeply troubling and call for immediate action to identify their causes. Only then can law enforcement agencies begin to understand the impact such arrests have on communities of color, and implement the appropriate changes. Details: Newark, NJ: ACLU of New Jersey, 2015. 106p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed January 26, 2016 at: https://www.aclu-nj.org/files/7214/5070/6701/2015_12_21_aclunj_select_enf.pdf Year: 2015 Country: United States URL: https://www.aclu-nj.org/files/7214/5070/6701/2015_12_21_aclunj_select_enf.pdf Shelf Number: 137658 Keywords: Minority GroupsPolice DiscretionRacial DisparitiesRacial Profiling in Law Enforcement |
Author: Williams, Patrick Title: Dangerous associations: joint enterprise, gangs and racism. An analysis of the processes of criminalisation of Black, Asian and minority ethnic individuals Summary: Following the publication of Baroness Young's review Improving outcomes for young black and/or Muslim men in the Criminal Justice System in 2014, the Centre for Crime and Justice Studies commissioned the authors to write a research and policy project to explore the relationship between Joint Enterprise, gangs, and the police's gang database, and ethnicity. This study also forms part of the authors' response to a call by the House of Commons Justice Committee for a rigorous consideration of the possible relationship between the disproportionate application of collective punishments/sanctions and in particular, the Joint Enterprise (JE) upon BAME individuals and groups. The findings offer a critical analysis of contemporary responses to the 'gang', highlighting limitations in the evidence base that currently informs the pursuit of collective sanctions against alleged 'gang' members and their associates. This report reveals the dangerous associations of a series of negative constructs, signifying racialised stereotypes that endure and underpin contemporary policing and prosecution strategies in relation to serious youth violence in England and Wales. The net effect of criminal justice policies which are designed to 'disrupt' and 'end' the gang, is the disproportionate punishment of young people from minority ethnic (particularly black) groups while failing to adequately curtail levels of serious youth violence across England and Wales. Details: London: Centre for Crime and Justice Studies, 2016. 24p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed January 27, 2016 at: http://www.crimeandjustice.org.uk/sites/crimeandjustice.org.uk/files/Dangerous%20assocations%20Joint%20Enterprise%20gangs%20and%20racism.pdf Year: 2016 Country: United Kingdom URL: http://www.crimeandjustice.org.uk/sites/crimeandjustice.org.uk/files/Dangerous%20assocations%20Joint%20Enterprise%20gangs%20and%20racism.pdf Shelf Number: 137686 Keywords: BiasDisproportionate Minority ContactGangsMinority GroupsRace/EthnicityRacial Disparities |
Author: New Zealand. Ministry for Women Title: A malu i 'aiga, e malu f'o'i fafo: Protection for the family, protection for all. Samoan people's understanding of primary prevention of violence against women Summary: Samoan communities in New Zealand understand primary prevention of violence against women and girls largely, if not entirely, within the context of fa'aSamoa (Samoan culture). Samoan principles such as the va tapuia, feagaiga and fa'asinomaga help to inform this uniquely Samoan context. These concepts and others were designed to keep women and girls safe from violence. When they were understood and observed this was perceived to be so. However, when they were misinterpreted, ignored and breached, women's and girls' safety were undermined or at risk. Research participants shared similar views and experiences about primary prevention. They also held varied views, including for example, what it meant to have and gain respect, or what it meant to grow up as a Samoan in Samoa as opposed to New Zealand, or about issues of cultural adaptation, cultural identity, and Samoan life. Participants find that Samoan communities do know what works to protect or keep Samoan women and girls safe from violence. They spoke of the potential in social marketing approaches and of open dialogue forums, such as in churches and community programmes, led by Samoan role models and leaders, and involve a good cross-section of the community. This report recognises that there are programmes that specifically target Samoan men's attitudes and behaviours towards violence. The findings are favourable of these programmes. Samoan communities also know what does not work to prevent violence. Including, clear misunderstandings about the link between cultural values, individual and collective behaviour, and thought. Cultures of violence and masculinity in the Samoan context can only be read in the context of Samoan societal drivers. Many of these drivers exist in Samoa and migrate with Samoan immigrants to New Zealand and persist to shape their and their children's attitudes and behaviours towards violence. The safety and wellbeing of all in Samoan society is paramount, but especially the vulnerable, including Samoan women and girls. For the short term, open discussion across generations in appropriate settings (about the factors that keep Samoan women and girls safe from violence), is a promising approach. These discussion forums can mobilise Samoan community efforts to enact primary prevention of violence. In the long term, culturally informed prevention education and practice initiatives can ensure that policy and practice models are appropriately responsive and effective in keeping Samoan women and girls safe from violence. Details: Wellington, NZ: Ministry for Women, 2015. 32p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed February 5, 2016 at: http://women.govt.nz/sites/public_files/Pacific%20Report%20web.pdf Year: 2015 Country: New Zealand URL: http://women.govt.nz/sites/public_files/Pacific%20Report%20web.pdf Shelf Number: 137777 Keywords: Cultures of ViolenceGender-Related ViolenceMasculinityMinority GroupsViolence Against Women, ChildrenViolence Prevention |
Author: London Assembly. Police and Crime Committee Title: The Diversity of the Met's Frontline Summary: The Met faces a significant challenge in diversifying its frontline. Before it began recruiting last year, only 11 per cent of its officers were from a Black, Asian and Minority Ethnic (BAME) background, compared with approximately 40 per cent of the population in London. Women make up a quarter of the Met's frontline, but at senior levels they are less well represented: only 18 per cent of officers ranked Inspector or above in the Met are women. Arguably, the Met's biggest concern is its representation of BAME women, where only 3 per cent of its frontline are BAME women. Faced with the challenge of diversifying its workforce, the Met has targeted its current recruitment campaign around increasing numbers of BAME and women officers. It has done away with some of the barriers that might be preventing it from recruiting a more diverse workforce, including restricting future applications to London residents only. The early signs from the Met's recruitment campaign are encouraging. However, there is still some way to go if it is to meet the Commissioner's ambition that 40 per cent of new recruits should be from a minority background. With this in mind, the majority of the Committee support the Commissioner's view that more radical solutions may be necessary unless a significant boost in the numbers of BAME officers in the Met is achieved over the next two years. Crucial to the Met's efforts to diversify its workforce is how it supports and develops its BAME and women officers. This is a challenge for all officers in the Met, but particularly Borough Commanders and line managers on borough teams. They, in many ways, hold the key to the progression of BAME and women recruits, but have been reluctant to embrace diversity initiatives in the past. Training officers to understand the importance of diversity is vital if the Met is to successfully integrate new BAME and women officers. This process should involve ensuring all BAME and women officers have access to strong mentoring and support networks. There are already a number of good initiatives being run across the organisation. The Met must build on the success of these and support those officers who often give up their time to run them. The Met must not lose sight of the impact changes to its working arrangements have had on the work-life balance of officers. Post-Olympics, the Met introduced longer shifts - including more night shifts - and reduced flexible working. At the same time, the force has seen a gradual increase of women officers leaving the force in recent years, citing work-life balance and disengagement with the organisation as the cause. While the Met has a positive approach to flexible working, it must not be afraid to innovate and learn from other organisations about how it can use flexible working most effectively. The lack of diversity on some specialist teams in the Met is concerning. Specialist units offer excellent opportunities for career progression. The Met must find ways to get more BAME and women officers into these units. For women, the male-dominated culture of some specialist teams can be a barrier to joining. The recent case of PC Carol Howard will not help the Met rectify this situation. It is right the Met is reviewing its policies in light of PC Howard's case, but it must go further by calling out discrimination and disciplining its perpetrators. The Met does not have enough BAME and women officers in senior positions. Recent internal promotion processes show this is starting to change but there are still challenges for the Met to overcome if it is to diversify its senior ranks. Negative perceptions about the lack of work-life balance of senior women officers can put some women officers off from applying for higher positions. The Met must work with its senior women officers to better articulate how they manage their work commitments. Training managers to understand how unconscious bias can prevent more BAME and women officers being promoted will also help. Ultimately, the diversity of an organisation is not just a measure of how it looks but also how it behaves. Our primary focus has been on what the Met is doing to support the recruitment, retention and progression of BAME and women officers, given this is where the Met and the Mayor's focus lies. However, we recognise the Met must have in place processes to support officers from other protected groups. The Committee discussed some of the issues pertinent to disabled and LGBT police officers. Again, the Committee is encouraged by the steps the Met is taking to mainstream diversity through the organisation. Yet, for this to succeed, it must be supported by strong leadership and a robust accountability mechanism to ensure momentum is sustained. Details: London: Greater London Authority, 2014. 38p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed February 25, 2016 at: http://www.london.gov.uk/LLDC/documents/s42234/Appendix%201%20-%20The%20Diversity%20of%20the%20Mets%20frontline.pdf Year: 2014 Country: United Kingdom URL: http://www.london.gov.uk/LLDC/documents/s42234/Appendix%201%20-%20The%20Diversity%20of%20the%20Mets%20frontline.pdf Shelf Number: 137970 Keywords: Female Police OfficersMinority GroupsMinority Police OfficersPolice OfficersPolice Recruitment and Selection |
Author: Traveller Movement Title: Overlooked and Overrepresented: Gypsy, Traveller and Roma children in the youth justice system Summary: This is an analysis of the Children in Custody 2015–16, HM Inspectorate of Prisons data published on the 15 November 20161 . The data for the Children in Custody report derives from surveys conducted at all Secure Training Centres (STCs) and Young Offender Institutions (YOIs) between 1 April 2015 and 12 April 2016; the response rate was 85% and 86% respectively. Separate questionnaires are used at STCs and YOIs as they are tailored to support the different inspection criteria used for each setting. In the 2015 Children in Custody report, the then HM Chief Inspector of Prisons, Nick Hardwick said in his foreword: "Both STCs and YOIs continued to hold a hugely disproportionate number of children who described themselves as being from a Traveller or Gypsy background…. a hundred times greater than the 0.1% which is the estimated proportion in the population as a whole. We have repeatedly raised our concerns about this issue – with any other group such huge disproportionality would have led to more formal inquiry and investigation into what part of their backgrounds or interaction with the criminal justice system had led to this situation. Children from a Traveller background reported greater levels of need and worse experiences in custody than other children". Sadly, Nick Hardwick's words are as true today as they were a year ago, with Gypsy, Traveller and Roma (GTR) children remaining "hugely overrepresented in the youth justice system". After Mr Hardwick's intervention, organisations in the GTR sector were hopeful that the overrepresentation in youth justice would finally become a priority to be addressed. However, almost no progress has made in addressing the experiences of GTR children in custody, nor has there been any moves toward a formal investigation as to why the numbers remain so high. In fact, compared to 2015, there was significantly less analysis of the experiences of GTR children in the 2016 Children in Custody report. To counter the lack of profile given to GTR children in STCs and YOIs, the Traveller Movement has analysed the raw data and highlighted the key issues facing these children. Recommendations The Youth Justice Board should act, with urgency, to ensure the 18+1 ethnic monitoring system based on the 2011 census is implemented across the entire youth criminal justice system. A formal inquiry should be launched into what has led to Gypsy, Traveller and Roma children being overrepresented in the youth criminal justice system. Details: London: The Traveller Movement, 2016. 23p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed March 2, 2017 at: http://travellermovement.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/Overlooked-and-Overrepresented-Gypsy-Traveller-and-Roma-children-in-the-youth-justice-system.pdf Year: 2016 Country: United Kingdom URL: http://travellermovement.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/Overlooked-and-Overrepresented-Gypsy-Traveller-and-Roma-children-in-the-youth-justice-system.pdf Shelf Number: 141297 Keywords: GypsiesJuvenile Justice systemsJuvenile OffendersMinority GroupsMinority OverrepresentationRoma Children |
Author: Centre for Justice Innovation Title: Building Trust: How our courts can improve the criminal court experience for Black, Asian, and Minority Ethnic defendants Summary: Widespread distrust among British-born Black, Asian and Minority ethnic (BAME) people towards the British justice system is having a negative impact on the legitimacy of our criminal courts. Our report looks at the origins of the lack of trust in the system, why perceptions of fairness and trust in the justice system matter and what can be done to improve the experience of court for BAME defendants. Why trust matters Trust in the fairness of our courts is key to the legitimacy of the criminal justice system. Our courts are charged with guaranteeing our fair and equal treatment before the law.While the British judicial system has a reputation as one of the fairest in the world, our criminal justice system does not command the trust of our Black, Asian, and Minority Ethnic (BAME) citizens. A majority (51%) of British-born BAME people believe that the criminal justice system discriminates against particular groups and individuals, compared to only 35% of the British-born white population. This lack of trust has two specific negative consequences: It may be leading to BAME defendants receiving more severe sentences by making them less likely to plead guilty. Defendants who plead guilty at the first opportunity receive a one-third reduction in their sentence. But male BAME defendants are 52% more likely to plead not guilty in Crown Courts than similar white defendants. Perceptions of unfair treatment within the court process and lower levels of trust in the courts are likely to increase the chances that BAME offenders will go on to offend again. How to build trust We reviewed approaches to building trust and tackling racial disparity in four similar countries: Australia, Canada, New Zealand and the USA. Having analysed the way other countries address this issue, our report recommends that our courts can improve the experience of court in the following ways: Ministry of Justice should work with Her Majesty's Courts and Tribunals Service(HMCTS) can expand the existing data on racial disparity in the adult criminal court system. The Ministry of Justice should require each local justice area bring together agencies from across the criminal justice system to look at their local rates of racial disparity and produce action plans. HMCTS should ensure that making the court process feel fairer for all defendants is at the heart of its court reform programme by providing clearer explanations of the court process, training judges, magistrates and court staff in better courtroom engagement and introducing more local, pop-up courts in civic buildings in accessible locations. HMCTS court reform programme should ensure that the criminal court system engages and understands the communities within which it works by introducing ways of measuring the perceptions of fairness of victims, witnesses, and defendants in the court process. Details: London: Centre for Justice Innovation, 2017. 44p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed April 6, 2017 at: http://justiceinnovation.org/wp-content/uploads/2017/03/Building-Trust.pdf Year: 2017 Country: United Kingdom URL: http://justiceinnovation.org/wp-content/uploads/2017/03/Building-Trust.pdf Shelf Number: 144733 Keywords: BiasCourt ReformCriminal CourtCriminal DefendantsMinority GroupsRacial DiscriminationRacial DisparitiesTrust |
Author: Sentencing Project Title: Report of The Sentencing Project to the United Nations Human Rights Committee Regarding Racial Disparities in the United States Criminal Justice System Summary: The United States criminal justice system is the largest in the world. At year-end 2011, approximately 7 million individuals were under some form of correctional control in the United States, including 2.2 million incarcerated in federal, state, or local prisons and jails. The U.S. has the highest incarceration rate in the world, dwarfing the rate of nearly every other nation. Such broad statistics mask the racial disparity that pervades the U.S. criminal justice system. Racial minorities are more likely than white Americans to be arrested; once arrested, they are more likely to be convicted; and once convicted, they are more likely to face stiff sentences. African-American males are six times more likely to be incarcerated than white males and 2.5 times more likely than Hispanic males. If current trends continue, one of every three black American males born today can expect to go to prison in his lifetime, as can one of every six Latino males - compared to one of every seventeen white males. Racial and ethnic disparities among women are less substantial than among men but remain prevalent. The source of such disparities is deeper and more systemic than explicit racial discrimination. The United States in effect operates two distinct criminal justice systems: one for wealthy people and another for poor people and minorities. The former is the system the United States describes in its report: a vigorous adversary system replete with constitutional protections for defendants. Yet the experiences of poor and minority defendants within the criminal justice system often differ substantially from that model due to a number of factors, each of which contributes to the over-representation of such individuals in the system. Details: Washington, DC: The Sentencing Project, 2013. 30p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed May 19, 2017 at: http://sentencingproject.org/wp-content/uploads/2015/12/Race-and-Justice-Shadow-Report-ICCPR.pdf Year: 2013 Country: United States URL: http://sentencingproject.org/wp-content/uploads/2015/12/Race-and-Justice-Shadow-Report-ICCPR.pdf Shelf Number: 131372 Keywords: Minority GroupsRacial DiscriminationRacial DisparitiesSentencing Disparities |
Author: Lammy, David Title: The Lammy Review: An independent review into the treatment of, and outcomes for, Black, Asian and Minority Ethnic individuals in the Criminal Justice System Summary: Across England and Wales, people from minority ethnic backgrounds are breaking through barriers. More students from Black, Asian and Minority Ethnic (BAME) backgrounds are achieving in school and going to university. There is a growing BAME middle class. Powerful, high-profile institutions, like the House of Commons, are slowly becoming more diverse. Yet our justice system bucks the trend. Those who are charged, tried and punished are still disproportionately likely to come from minority communities. Despite making up just 14% of the population, BAME men and women make up 25% of prisoners, while over 40% of young people in custody are from BAME backgrounds. If our prison population reflected the make-up of England and Wales, we would have over 9,000 fewer people in prison5 - the equivalent of 12 average-sized prisons. There is greater disproportionality in the number of Black people in prisons here than in the United States. These disproportionate numbers represent wasted lives, a source of anger and mistrust and a significant cost to the taxpayer. The economic cost of BAME overrepresentation in our courts, prisons and Probation Service is estimated to be L309 million a year. This report is the product of an independent review, commissioned by two Prime Ministers. The review was established to 'make recommendations for improvement with the ultimate aim of reducing the proportion of BAME offenders in the criminal justice system'. It reflects a growing sense of urgency, across party-political lines, to find solutions to this inequity. The Review This review has two distinctive features, the first of which is its breadth. The terms of reference span adults and children; women and men. It covers the role of the Crown Prosecution Service (CPS), the courts system, our prisons and young offender institutions, the Parole Board, the Probation Service and Youth Offending Teams (YOTS). A comprehensive look at both the adult and youth justice systems was overdue. Secondly, whilst independent of the government, the review has had access to resources, data and information held by the criminal justice system (CJS) itself. In the past, too much of this information has not been made available to outsiders for scrutiny and analysis. As a result, this review has generated analysis that breaks new ground on race and criminal justice in this country. The focus of the review is on BAME people, but I recognise the complexity of that term. Some groups are heavily overrepresented in prison - for example Black people make up around 3% of the general population but accounted for 12% of adult prisoners in 2015/16; and more than 20% of children in custody. Other groups, such as Mixed ethnic adult prisoners, are also overrepresented, although to a lesser degree. The proportion of prisoners who are Asian is lower than the general population but, within categories such as 'Asian' or 'Black' there is considerable diversity, with some groups thriving while others struggle. This complexity mirrors the story in other areas of public life. In schools, for example, BAME achievement has risen but not in a uniform way. Chinese and Indian pupils outperform almost every other group, while Pakistani children are more likely to struggle. Black African children achieve better GCSE exam results, on average, than Black Caribbean children.16 Wherever possible this report seeks to draw out similar nuances in the justice system. The review also addresses the position of other minorities who are overlooked too often. For example, Gypsies, Roma and Travellers (GRT) are often missing from published statistics about children in the CJS, but according to unofficial estimates, are substantially over-represented in youth custody, for example, making up 12% of children in Secure Training Centres (STC). Muslims, meanwhile, do not fall within one ethnic category, but the number of Muslim prisoners has increased from around 8,900 to 13,200 over the last decade. Both groups are considered within scope for this review Details: London: U.K. Government, 2017. 108p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed September 11, 2017 at: https://www.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/file/643001/lammy-review-final-report.pdf Year: 2017 Country: United Kingdom URL: https://www.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/file/643001/lammy-review-final-report.pdf Shelf Number: 147210 Keywords: Criminal Justice SystemsEthnic GroupsMinority GroupsRacial DisparitiesRacial Prejudice |
Author: Great Britain. Ministry of Justice Title: Exploratory analysis of 10-17 year olds in the youth secure estate by black and other minority ethnic groups Summary: In January 2016, the Prime Minister asked the Rt Hon David Lammy MP to lead an independent review, sponsored by Ministry of Justice (MoJ), to investigate the treatment and outcomes of Black, Asian and Minority Ethnic (BAME) individuals within the Criminal Justice System (CJS) in England and Wales. The Review focuses on issues arising from the involvement of the Crown Prosecution Service (CPS) onwards, including the court system, prisons and rehabilitation in the community; policing was not in scope of this review. In November 2016, emerging findings from the Review were published highlighting the high proportion of young black people in youth custody. Following this publication, the Lammy Review team commissioned MoJ to conduct specific analysis of outcomes for young black people in youth custody. The aim of this report is to explore further the possible factors that may explain why there is a high proportion of young black people in youth custody. It concentrates on the throughput of cases in the youth justice system, the offences committed by and sentences given to young people, and their key characteristics; including identified risk factors and information on their educational background. The analysis focuses on young black people but comparisons are made throughout the report to other BAME groups and to those from white ethnic backgrounds. The youth justice system in England and Wales is a distinct justice system that prosecutes and convicts persons 10-17 years of age who commit criminal offences. The principal aim is to prevent offending by children and young people and there is a separate sentencing framework, recognising that young people are different to adults, with an emphasis on restoration and rehabilitation. The youth justice system includes a separate Youth Court (a type of magistrates' court) with specially trained magistrates and different sentencing powers and a higher threshold for the use of custody. Whilst a magistrates' court can issue an immediate custodial sentence for adults of up to six months or up to 12 months in total for more than one offence, a youth court can issue an immediate custodial sentence for a maximum of 24 months. The youth secure estate or youth custody is distinct from the adult prison estate and is for young people aged 10-17 although some 18 year olds remain in youth custody if they are close to being released. There are three youth secure sectors: under-18 Young Offender Institutions, Secure Training Centres and Secure Children's Homes. The vast majority of young people accommodated in the youth secure estate are male and aged between 15-17 years (96% were male and 96% were aged 15-17 in 2015/16). Details: London: Ministry of Justice, 2017. 30p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed November 9, 2017 at: https://www.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/file/641481/Exploratory-analysis-of-10-17-year-olds-in-the-youth-secure-estate-by-bame-groups.pdf Year: 2017 Country: United Kingdom URL: https://www.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/file/641481/Exploratory-analysis-of-10-17-year-olds-in-the-youth-secure-estate-by-bame-groups.pdf Shelf Number: 148089 Keywords: AdolescentsEthnic GroupsJuvenile DetentionJuvenile OffendersMinority GroupsYouthful Offenders |
Author: Douyon, Emerson Title: Ethnocultural Minorities and the Canadian Correctional System Summary: Memory is a double-edged sword. It is one that both forgets and remembers, all at once. Some memories we prefer to block out, and others we want to recall for our own comfort. On one hand, the "duty to forget" as Dostoyevsky called it; on the other hand, the joy of remembering. From an institutional standpoint, it is normal that, over time, memory plays a selective role. Anything that provokes embarrassment, culpability and social stigma is buried in the archives. On the contrary, things that generate pride or collective admiration tend to be recalled in a loop in the institution's history. That which is known as "best practices" belongs in that part of institutional memory. We agree that in a prison, each stakeholder in the system, from the manager to the professional, from the security officer to the volunteer, contributes in his or her own way to the institution's culture. Ultimately, each individual carries within them their own institutional memory. That of offenders differs necessarily from that of individuals whose mission is to promote individual change in a secure group setting. However, in confronting our various perceptions and respective memories, we hope to better account for the evolution of certain ideas within an institution. The emergence and development of the Ethnocultural concept at Correctional Service of Canada represents this historic point of convergence which has introduced an irreversible dynamic of change across the entire correctional system. The Ethnocultural concept and its trajectory at Correctional Service of Canada Where does the concern for Ethnoculturalism at Correctional Service of Canada stem from? Was Ethnoculturalism unknowingly practised in the past? It was not discussed explicitly. Is this key concept becoming a mantra? In the slang used by one Quebec inmate, what is this new "beast?" What is it all about? In what ways has the picture of crime changed to substantiate a now undeniable issue? Is a new phenomenon emerging in the criminal and penal realms? Has the Canadian prison system undergone such extensive changes that it is necessary to change our linguistic referents at Correctional Service of Canada? Details: Ottawa: Correctional Service Canada, 2016. 108p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed February 28, 2018 at: http://www.csc-scc.gc.ca/about-us/092/006-4000-eng.pdf Year: 2016 Country: Canada URL: http://www.csc-scc.gc.ca/about-us/092/006-4000-eng.pdf Shelf Number: 149287 Keywords: Correctional Institutions Ethnic-Minorities Inmates Minority GroupsPrisoners Prisons |
Author: Kneen, Hannah Title: An exploratory estimate of the economic cost of Black, Asian and Minority Ethnic net overrepresentation in the Criminal Justice System in 2015 Summary: In January 2016, the former Prime Minister David Cameron invited David Lammy MP to lead a review of the CJS in England and Wales to investigate evidence of possible bias against defendants who are Black, Asian or another ethnic minority1. The Lammy Review considers the treatment and outcomes of Black, Asian and Minority Ethnic (BAME) individuals in the CJS, addressing issues arising from CPS charge onwards, including the court system, prisons, youth custody and rehabilitation in the community. To explore the estimated economic cost associated with the net overrepresentation of BAME individuals in the Criminal Justice System (CJS) post-charge in 2015. This short summary of economic analysis is intended to inform discussions around the wider Lammy Review and highlight particular areas of the CJS in 2015, where there was observed net overrepresentation of BAME defendants/offenders, relative to the general population. This analysis does not make recommendations regarding how the Ministry of Justice (MoJ) could change behaviour or make policy changes to realise estimated savings. Key findings - The estimated economic cost to the CJS of net overrepresentation of BAME youths and adults in 2015 is approximately L309m. This estimate covers representation at the courts, prisons and probation stages. - Estimated cost associated with the courts stage is $50m ($3m attributable to youths and L47m attributable to adults). For triable either way offences this includes youths and adults tried in the youth/magistrates' courts, and Crown Court, and committed for sentence to the Crown Court. For indictable only offences, this includes youths and adults tried and/or sentenced in the Crown Court. Relevant legal aid representation is included in this estimate for the aforementioned court activities. - Estimated cost associated with the prisons stage is L234m (L26m attributable to youths and $208m attributable to adults). This includes the youth secure custodial estate population (aged 10-17) in Young Offender Institutions (YOIs), Secure Training Centres (STCs) and Secure Children's Homes (SCHs). The cost also includes BAME overrepresentation of adults aged 18+ in the prison population. - Estimated cost associated with the probation stage is L25m (all attributable to adults). This includes the pre-sentence assessments conducted by the National Probation Service (NPS) and the probation services provided to high risk offenders by the NPS. Probation costs have not been calculated for youths or for adult offenders managed by Community Rehabilitation Companies (CRCs). Details: London: Ministry of Justice, 2017. 9p. Source: Internet Resource: Analytical Summary: Accessed March 19, 2018 at: https://www.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/file/642551/david-lammy-economic-paper-short-summary.pdf Year: 2017 Country: United Kingdom URL: https://www.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/file/642551/david-lammy-economic-paper-short-summary.pdf Shelf Number: 149518 Keywords: Costs of Criminal JusticeEconomic Analysis Ethnic GroupsJuvenile OffendersMinority GroupsRacial Disparities |
Author: Amnesty International Netherlands Title: Police and Minority Groups Summary: In 2016, PHRP finalized the third paper of the short paper series on Police and Minority Groups. Police have a duty to protect people against crime, and this includes protection against crime motivated by discrimination. They are furthermore obliged not to commit any acts of discrimination themselves in carrying out their law enforcement duties. However, in many instances law enforcement officials fail in both regards: they can sometimes have the role of the perpetrator, actively discriminating for example by means of ethnic profiling, harassment, or through the excessive use of force against certain groups, or they fail to effectively protect people from crimes motivated by discrimination ("hate crimes") or to investigate such crimes. Any such conduct has damaging consequences. In a specific situation, it leads to a violation of the human rights of the person(s) concerned. On a wider scale, it leads to the loss of confidence in police by minority groups, fostering a climate of mutual mistrust or even hostility that can be self-reinforcing. There are, however, solutions and ways to address these issues, and good practices can be found in numerous countries and contexts to improve the relationship between police and minority groups. The PHRP team looked at a variety of European countries, to outline and analyse some of the most common issues as well as to introduce possible solutions and examples of good practice on how to counter the problem. To that end, the paper addresses some general considerations about the relationship between police and minority groups as well as specific issues that are common concerns in the interaction between police and minority groups, namely hate crimes, ethnic profiling and preventing and addressing discriminatory police misconduct. Details: Amsterdam: Amnesty International, 2016. 58p. Source: Internet Resource: Police and Human Rights Programme - Short paper series No. 3: Accessed April 4, 2018 at: https://www.amnesty.nl/actueel/short-paper-series-no-3-police-and-minority-groups Year: 2016 Country: Netherlands URL: https://www.amnesty.nl/actueel/short-paper-series-no-3-police-and-minority-groups Shelf Number: 149684 Keywords: Minority GroupsPolice MisconductPolice-Citizen InteractionsPolice-Community RelationsPolice-Minority Relations |
Author: Muller, Karsten Title: Fanning the Flames of Hate: Social Media and Hate Crime Summary: This paper investigates the link between social media and hate crime using hand-collected data from Facebook. We study the case of Germany, where the recently emerged right-wing party Alternative fur Deutschland (AfD) has developed a major social media presence. Using a Bartik-type empirical strategy, we show that right-wing anti-refugee sentiment on Facebook predicts violent crimes against refugees in otherwise similar municipalities with higher social media usage. To establish causality, we further exploit exogenous variation in major internet and Facebook outages, which fully undo the correlation between social media and hate crime. We further find that the effect decreases with distracting news events; increases with user network interactions; and does not hold for posts unrelated to refugees. Our results suggest that social media can act as a propagation mechanism between online hate speech and real-life incidents. Details: Coventry, UK: University of Warwick, 2018. 82p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed April 4, 2018 at: https://warwick.ac.uk/fac/soc/economics/staff/crschwarz/fanning-flames-hate.pdf Year: 2018 Country: Germany URL: https://warwick.ac.uk/fac/soc/economics/staff/crschwarz/fanning-flames-hate.pdf Shelf Number: 149690 Keywords: Bias Motivated CrimesHate CrimesMinority GroupsSocial Media |
Author: DeMill, Chantel Title: Latinos and the Idaho Criminal Justice System: 2005-2014 Summary: The Idaho Latino community represents a diverse collection of nationalities ranging from Mexican to Columbian and Puerto Rican, different nationalities that have come together to form a vibrant and thriving community. The Latino community is one of many ethnic stakeholders in Idaho's criminal justice system - as residents, victims and offenders. National statistics paint a bleak picture with high rates of racial disparity in both victimization and representation in the nation's jails and prisons. The Sentencing Project found that Latino men face a 1 in 6 chance of lifetime likelihood of imprisonment; white men face a 1 in 17 chance1 - This report intends to explore the interaction of Latinos with the unique landscape of Idaho and its criminal justice system. Highlights - Latinos account for a growing percentage of Idaho's population; as of the 2010 Census 11% of Idaho's population were Latino. - Latino youths account for 18% of the state's total juvenile population. - The Latino population is very youthful; the average age being 14.5 years younger than non‐Latinos. - Latinos are victims of crime at much lower rates than non‐Latinos (23.5 per 1,000 for Latinos and 33.8 for non‐Latinos). However, Latinos are generally victims of more severe crimes than are non‐Latinos. - Victimization rates for both Latinos and non‐Latinos are decreasing (‐41% and ‐36%). - Latino females report victimization at slightly higher rates than Latino males (24.19 and 22.24 per 1,000). - Latinos are arrested at higher rates than non‐Latinos (21.97 and 17.86 per 1,000). - Latinos are arrested for more severe crimes overall. - Between 2005 and 2014, there was a 55% decrease in arrests for violent offenses among Latinos. - Latinos are incarcerated for 62 days longer on average than are other racial/ethnic groups. - Latino rates of juvenile commitments and probation are decreasing. - Although Latinos are arrested at higher rates and have longer lengths of stay in prison, it is unknown if this is a symptom of a biased system. Since IIBRS data only records the ethnicity of arrestees and not offenders, it is unknown if the higher arrest rate for Latinos is disproportionate to their offense rates. In addition, since court data does not track the defendants ethnicity, it is unknown if Latinos are more likely than non‐ Latinos to receive more severe sentences which could explain their longer prison stays. Details: Meridian, ID: Idaho Statistical Analysis Center, 2016. 20p. Source: Internet Resource: accessed April 9, 2018 at: https://isp.idaho.gov/pgr/inc/documents/LatinoReportCompletedFinal11-3-16.pdf Year: 2016 Country: United States URL: https://isp.idaho.gov/pgr/inc/documents/LatinoReportCompletedFinal11-3-16.pdf Shelf Number: 149736 Keywords: LatinosMinority GroupsRace and CrimeRacial Disparities |
Author: Scarborough, William Title: A Tale of Diversity, Disparity, and Discrimination: The State of Racial Justice for Asian American Chicagoans Summary: Relatively little attention has been directed to documenting the experiences of racial discrimination and inequities for Asian Americans in Chicago. Not only does this group make up a much smaller share of the city's population than whites, blacks, and Latinxs, but stereotypes about Asian Americans as the "model minority" often frame this group as high-achievers unaffected by racial discrimination and inequity. The harmful and pernicious effects of discrimination against Asian Americans are therefore often overlooked. Even in cases where the challenges facing Asian Americans are recognized, little support is offered due to harmful presumptions that Asian Americans (even 2nd, 3rd, or 4th generation Americans of Asian origin) are not "truly" American, what scholars refer to as the "forever foreigner" stereotype. The data in this report illustrate the diverse and often divergent experiences of Asian Chicagoans who have to navigate the complexity and contradiction of model minority and forever foreigner stereotypes. Asian Americans are both imagined as hard working and high achieving, and at the same time are often treated as permanent outsiders. Complexity and contradiction are a defining feature of the Asian American experience. In this report, we examine the state of racial justice for Asian Americans in Chicago. Our analysis revealed three primary findings: First, the diversity of Asian Americans in Chicago is one defining characteristic of this group. Originating from over 15 different countries, Asian American ethnic groups in Chicago have vastly different economic and educational outcomes. As a result, many social indicators reported here have bimodal distributions with Asian American Chicagoans having widely ranging and divergent outcomes. For example, while some Asian American national origin groups have among the highest levels of college attainment in Chicago, others have the highest rate of individuals with less than a high school degree. Second, the opportunities and life experiences of Asian American Chicagoans are greatly affected by racial inequity. Residential segregation between Asian Americans and other racial groups is high. Asian Americans also experience significant racial wage gaps and have higher unemployment and lower median household income than whites. Third, our report shows that Asian Americans often must work harder to achieve the same benefits as whites. They are held to higher standards in loan applications, receive lower returns on their education, and are less likely to be found in management positions than similarly situated whites. These themes are interwoven throughout the report, which contains four sections focusing on different social domains. Details: Chicago: Institute for Research on Race & Public Policy, University of Illinois at Chicago, 2018. 108p. Source: Internet Resource: Accessed April 24, 2018 at: http://stateofracialjusticechicago.com/a-tale-of-diversity-disparity-and-discrimination-the-state-of-racial-justice-for-asian-american-chicagoans/ Year: 2018 Country: United States URL: http://stateofracialjusticechicago.com/a-tale-of-diversity-disparity-and-discrimination-the-state-of-racial-justice-for-asian-american-chicagoans/ Shelf Number: 149877 Keywords: Asian AmericansMinority GroupsRacial DiscriminationRacial Disparities |
Author: Garcia-Hallett, Janet Title: The Navigation of Motherhood for African America, West Indian, and Hispanic Women in Reentry Summary: Though women are less likely than men to be incarcerated and are disproportionately outnumbered in United States jails and prisons (Guerino et al., 2011; Minton, 2013), women in state facilities are more likely to report being parents (Glaze & Maruschak, 2008; Mumola, 2000) and most plan to rekindle maternal relationships with their children upon their release (Barnes & Stringer, 2014; Hairston, 1991). Research demonstrates that women face substantial burdens during their reentry into the community, but reentry burdens may be more challenging to women of color who stand at the intersection of sexism and racism (Brown, 2010; Roberts, 1993). Ethnic differences among Black women are overlooked, however, as existing knowledge of women's experiences is often constructed along a Black/White dichotomy. Furthermore, selfconceptions as mothers, social expectations of mothers, and attempts to mother may place additional burdens on formerly incarcerated women with children. Yet, motherhood is still understood as a motivating factor in women's lives post-incarceration (Brown & Bloom, 2009; Hayes, 2009). This study investigates how formerly incarcerated women navigate motherhood and how this process influences mothers' reintegration after their release from imprisonment. The research draws on 37 in-depth, semi-structured interviews with formerly incarcerated mothers. These women's narratives focus on the role that maternal desires, decisions and behaviors play across various aspects of life post-incarceration: parenting, employment and finances, living arrangements, custody of children, as well as recovery from histories of addiction. This study utilized a comparative sampling strategy to unpack the experiences of groups viewed collectively as ―minorities‖ and to examine similarities and differences among African American, West Indian and Hispanic formerly incarcerated mothers. There is also a comparative feature across varying degrees of contact with children (both minor and adult children) - specifically, mothers living with their children, mothers not living with their children but remaining in contact, and mothers without contact. This study not only examines post-incarceration reintegration for formerly incarcerated mothers but it captures the intersectionality of criminal status, gender, and race/ethnicity. Furthermore, its comparative features go beyond common racial-ethnic labels and classifications of mother-child relationships in understanding the role of navigating motherhood in women's reintegration after incarceration. Details: Newark, NJ: Rutgers University, School of Criminal Justice, 2017. 268p. Source: Internet Resource: Dissertation: accessed May 23, 2018 at: https://rucore.libraries.rutgers.edu/rutgers-lib/54125/PDF/1/play/ Year: 2017 Country: United States URL: https://rucore.libraries.rutgers.edu/rutgers-lib/54125/PDF/1/play/ Shelf Number: 150333 Keywords: Children of PrisonersFemale OffendersMinority GroupsMotherhoodParentingPrisoner Reentry |
Author: Mueller-Smith, Michael Title: Essays on the Economics of Crime and Discrimination Summary: This dissertation studies marginalized populations in the United States and Western countries, with a broad focus on how legal and social institutions affect individual economic outcomes and well-being. The fi rst chapter examines the impacts of incarceration on criminal defendants in Houston, Texas, documenting patterns of worsening criminality, diminished earnings and social detachment after exposure to the prison system. The second chapter develops a framework to consider the interplay between discrimination and concealment of minority status in the context of sexual orientation and shows empirical evidence from the United States on the large magnitudes of concealment costs. The third chapter considers the role of legal recognition of unions in shaping the labor market activity and childbearing decisions of same-sex couples in Sweden, implicitly providing insight into some of the constraints imposed on same-sex couples by widespread exclusion from the institution of marriage throughout the world. Together these essays highlight how public institutions and social systems influence lifecycle outcomes in the population, particularly among minority and other vulnerable groups. Details: New York: Columbia University, 2015. 195p. Source: Internet Resource: Dissertation: Accessed January 30, 2019 at: https://academiccommons.columbia.edu/doi/10.7916/D8QN65QV Year: 2015 Country: International URL: https://academiccommons.columbia.edu/doi/10.7916/D8QN65QV Shelf Number: 154463 Keywords: Economics of Crime Minority GroupsRacial Discrimination |